Artists & Athletes: A Perspective on the 2002 Olympic Arts Festival

U.S. Sports Academy2017-08-07T15:10:44-05:00February 14th, 2008|Sports Facilities, Sports History|

It is right and proper that cultural programs are a required part of the Olympic Games. To a certain extent, history has driven the integration of cultural programs into the Olympic Games. And, just as both Olympic and Paralympic winter games highlight the accomplishments of our athletes, it is noble and right to similarly celebrate, through Cultural Olympiads, the achievements of our artists.

Thanks to the tireless efforts of archeologists and anthropologists, we have come to appreciate the significance of the Ancient Games and their role in merging sport and culture. Surely this had influenced, in the late 19th century, Baron Pierre de Coubertin and his interest in the integration of art, principally through competitions, as an element in the re-establishment of the modern Olympic Games. Today, Conrado Durantez, president of the International Pierre de Coubertin Committee, keeps interest in de Coubertin and his Olympic legacy thriving.

David Gilman Romano, Ph.D., the gifted classical archaeologist from the University of Pennsylvania, in an essay it was my privilege to commission, said “[C]ultural programs as required elements of the modern Olympic Games are totally in keeping with the origins and history of the ancient festival, where sculpture, poetry, music, and political idealism were bound together with athletic competition and religious celebration.” Romano reminds us that the Delphi festival originated as a musical tribute to Apollo Pythios. Contests in singing to the flute appeared in the sixth century BC, and it was only later that athletic contests were added. I find it both compelling and fitting that the very earliest text in the entire Greek world is scratched into the shoulder of a terra-cotta vase found buried in an Athenian grave. It is a hexameter poem that describes the winner of a dancing contest from about 740 BC. It reads, “[H]e who dances most nimbly of all, take this [the vase] as your prize.” For me, this suggests not only a substantive chronicling of the Olympics, but the influential role artists have played, over the centuries, in the Olympic Movement. The Olympic motto, Citius—Altius—Fortius, invites artists to excel.

In his work The Forgotten Olympic Art Competitions, Richard Stanton explores the program of a conference in Paris in April 1906 called by de Coubertin, at which choreography, letters, music, painting, sculpture, and other disciplines were detailed and discussed. The inclusion of arts and letters in the modern Olympics was under way.

Today, the Olympic Charter binds organizing committees to “promote harmonious relations, mutual understanding and friendship among the participants and others attending the Olympic Games,” in part through the establishment of a cultural program. With proper latitude for local customs and traditions—combined with oversight from the International Olympic Committee’s Commission on Culture and Olympic Education—today’s organizing committees can, through a well-curated Olympic Arts Festival, impact the games and leave a cultural legacy for them.

These few examples of ancient and contemporary history have helped define the role of the 2002 Cultural Olympiad, or Olympic Arts Festival, surrounding the Olympic and Paralympic winter games of 2002. Essays on the Ancient Games, on the role of artists who live with disabilities, and on the connection of human rights within the context of Olympic ideals have all helped provide a perspective and point of view to my selection of programming for the XIX Olympic Winter Games in Salt Lake City. So, too, has a commissioned work by the 39th poet laureate of the United States, Robert Pinsky, who in his poem calls upon the ancient Greek poet Pindar.

The ancient Olympic practice of chariot racing and the forgotten Olympic art competitions of the 20th century have suggested to me the legitimate placement of ice sculpting and the cultural experience of rodeo as a part of the 2002 festival, with accompanying cultural participation medals.

With all of this, however, the raison d’être of the 2002 Cultural Olympiad is the commissioning of new works by contemporary artists. This alone will define a cultural legacy for these Olympic Games. My programming includes a new modern dance work choreographed by Judith Jaimison for the Alvin Ailey American Dance Theater, the world cultural ambassador of black heritage. With music by America’s jazz great Wynton Marsalis, the inspiration behind this new work is the life of the gifted Olympian Florence Griffith Joyner. It seems to me a fine way to merge sport and art. Another example is the commissioned work of the Pilobolus dance company that will combine humor with athleticism.

In his work One Hundred Years of Olympic Congresses 1894–1994, Norbert Muller reports that the aforementioned 1906 Paris conference recommended (in point of fact demanded) that dance be returned to a “more athletic way of expression.” I suggest that the Ailey and Pilobolus works will fulfill the 1906 mandate.

The monumental glass sculptures of Dale Chihuly resist categorization, yet if sculpture were an Olympic sport today, Chihuly would be an Olympian. Similar examples in theater, poetry, music, and the visual arts abound in this 2002 Cultural Olympiad.

It is fitting as well that the Olympic Arts Festival was called upon to produce the opening ceremony of the 113th session of the International Olympic Committee. This program of protocol, pageantry, and culture will reflect the vision of the 2002 Olympic Arts Festival: to highlight the achievements of athletes alongside the accomplishments of artists. This is what we aspire to. To get there, the Olympic Arts Festival established a mission to highlight Americans’ contributions to the arts and humanities, to celebrate Utah and its heritage, and to embrace the West and its cultures.

Artists live and work in community and have the singular ability to find the uncommon in the commonplace. The 2002 Olympic Arts Festival is artist driven. For, like athletes, artists live on the verge of peril.

The indigenous peoples of North America (the American Indians) play a significant and contemporary role in the arts festival. All the tribes of the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau will gather together to curate an exhibition whose message is durability. The monumental sculptures of Allan Houser, a descendent of Chiricahua Apache Indians and one of America’s most influential and respected artists, will be on view throughout these Olympic Games.

While athletes inspire the world through peaceful competition at the 2002 Olympic Winter Games and Paralympic Winter Games, I have invited the 13th Reebok Human Rights Awards to the Olympic Arts Festival to recognize activists who have made significant contributions to human rights through nonviolent means. Norwegian photographer Karin Beate Nosterun will celebrate the work of Olympic Aid in an exhibition of vivid photographs documenting the organization’s efforts for refugee children in Africa.

In music, iconic American ensembles and soloists with international careers—such as the Mormon Tabernacle Choir, Itzhak Perlman, Frederica von Stade, and many others—will be featured.

For perhaps the first time, we will celebrate as well the culinary arts. Following select cultural experiences, I’ve called upon the James Beard Foundation to arrange for celebrity chefs to complement the artistic offerings. Some 50 chefs will celebrate “the art of the table.”

In addition, historical subjects will be addressed, in the light of current research. The 1936 Berlin Games are explored in an exhibition curated by the National Holocaust Museum. Another exhibition, “Homeland in the West,” traces the history of Jews in Utah. Additionally, in “Athletes in Antiquity: Works from the J. Paul Getty Museum,” art and artifacts illustrating Greece’s cultural legacy are showcased.

In all, some 15 exhibitions, 60 signature performances and special events, and 15 community celebrations will welcome both world visitors and 3,500 athletes from 80 countries. These audiences are assured, in an important way, of a place in the Olympic Movement. Their participation in the 2002 Olympic Arts Festival will help define the atmosphere of the games. If history is any judge, it will be an atmosphere fondly remembered.

Author Note

Raymond T. Grant is artistic director of the 2002 Olympic Arts Festival.

Prior to joining the Salt Lake Olympic Committee, he headed the performing arts and film area of the Disney Institute, a division of the Walt Disney Company. He previously served as general manager of the American Symphony Orchestra in Carnegie Hall in New York City.

He is a graduate of the University of Kansas and holds a master of arts degree in arts administration from New York University.

Effects Music Has on Lap Pace, Heart Rate and Perceived Exertion Rate During a 20-Minute Self-Paced Run

U.S. Sports Academy2016-10-12T13:12:50-05:00February 14th, 2008|Sports Coaching, Sports Exercise Science, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|

Abstract

The general problem of this study was to determine the effect, if any, that music had on heart rate, lap pace, and perceived exertion rate (RPE) during a 20-min self-paced run completed by a group of trained participants and a group of untrained participants. The participating subjects, all males, attended a college with an enrollment of 1,200. There were 12 participants, ranging in age from 18 to 23 years. They comprised two experimental groups. Experimental Group A consisted of 6 subjects who were considered untrained individuals, because they did not partake in exercise, or only in very limited exercise. Experimental Group B consisted of 6 subjects who were considered trained individuals, because they were in the habit of running more than three times a week to reach or exceed a target heart rate. The 12 subjects signed an informed consent form before participating in the study. No pre- or post-test capable of affecting the rate at which subjects completed the 20-min run was taken. The data were collected, condensed, and analyzed to measure performance differences when running to music and running without music. Analysis of the collected data employed Microsoft Excel as well as the t-test for the two samples’ means. Findings were that music had a noticeable effect on the pace demonstrated by both groups when running. Differences in heart rate and perceived exertion were found only in the untrained group, which may be due to source of error problems. Further research is recommended involving various styles of music and forms of athletic performance other than running.

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Drug Use by College Athletes: Is Random Testing an Effective Deterrent?

U.S. Sports Academy2013-11-26T21:45:07-06:00February 14th, 2008|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Management, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|

Abstract

Incidence
of anabolic steroid use among college athletes is about 1%,
with another 12% considered at-risk in that they would use
such drugs under the right circumstances. This study aimed
to determine if volunteer drug testing, without fear of penalty,
would result in positive identification of drug use, or if
the testing alone is a deterrent. A group of 197 college athletes,
all of who denied drug use, voluntarily and anonymously supplied
urine samples. Average T/E ratio was 1.33 ± 0.86, with
two cases (1.1%) above the accepted ratio. We conclude that
T/E ratio testing is effective in detecting use of performance-enhancing
drugs and that testing itself, although an effective deterrent
to drug use, may not eliminate drug use among college athletes.

Introduction

Athletes
have used performance-enhancing drugs for decades. In 1968
the International Olympic Committee (IOC) banned the use of
performance-enhancing substances to promote fair play in competition.
At that time the banned substances were primarily anabolic
steroids and amphetamines. Other athletic associations and
sport governing bodies soon followed suit by adopting similar
bans, including the National Collegiate Athletic Association
(NCAA) which adopted a drug-testing program to promote fair
and equitable competition and to safeguard the health and
safety of student-athletes. Since then the specified number
of banned substances has risen dramatically as athletes are
driven to finding new ways to obtain a competitive edge and/or
to avoid detection. Currently the NCAA promotes drug education
and mandates that each athletic department conduct a drug
and alcohol education program once a semester, presumably
to increase the athletes’ understanding of the drug-testing
program and to promote the avoidance of drug use.

Despite
these regulations, the incidence of anabolic steroid use among
athletes has not decreased, and, in some instances, has increased
(Catlin & Murray, 1996). In general, the decision to not
use drugs is felt to be related more to the fear of reprisal
than to health issues, and users continue to look for ways
to avoid detection rather than decide not to use these banned
substances. Tricker and Connolly (1997) reported an 8% rate
of anabolic steroid use in college athletes over a lifetime
and a 1% use within the past six months. In addition they
identified about 12% at-risk athletes, i.e., they would use
steroids under the right circumstances. Those circumstances
were largely defined as the ability to achieve their athletic
potential without testing positive for use.

The
purpose of this study was to examine T/E ratios in a group
of college athletes who volunteered for testing under the
conditions of anonymity and therefore had no fear of reprisal.
The T/E ratio was chosen because of its low false-positive
rate (0.1%). We aimed to determine if the anticipated results
of no positive test results would occur, or if there might
be any positive test results with the threat of reprisal removed.

Method

Subjects

A
group of 206 male varsity or junior varsity NCAA Division
I college athletes identified themselves as not currently
taking nutritional supplements or performance-enhancing drugs
and volunteered to provide a urine sample for testing. Because
the testing was done anonymously, there was no fear of reprisal
from submitting to the testing. Nine samples were contaminated
during processing and were eliminated, leaving a study group
of 197 college athletes, all of whom would presumably have
negative test results.

Testing
Procedure

Urinary
specimens were examined for the ratio of testosterone (T)
to epitestosterone (E). The accepted standard for identifying
anabolic steroid use was used with a T/E ratio above 6:1 as
a positive indication of doping (Catlin et al.,1996; International
Olympic Committee, 1982). All urine specimens were run on
HP 599SC gas chromatography – mass spectrometry (Hewlett Packard
Company, Avondale, Pennsylvania) using standard testing procedures
(Borts & Bowers, 2000; Dehennin, 1994; Ismail & Harkness,
1966; van de Kerkhof, De Boer, Thijssen, & Maes, 2000).
Because there is a small incidence of false positive results,
it is recommended that additional testing be done on those
whose T/E ratios exceed 6:1 before legal action is considered
(Dehennin & Scholler, 1990). However, in this study, no
additional testing was done as the athlete could not be identified
and there would be no punitive action. It is also known that
there are athletes who use exogenous testosterone, yet their
T/E ratio never exceeds 6:1 (Garle, Ocka, Palonek, & Bjorkhem,
1996).

Results

The
average testosterone/epitestosterone (T/E) ratio was 1.33:1
± 0.86 (mean ± standard deviation). Two of the
197 (1.1%) athletes tested had T/E ratios greater than the
accepted international standard (12:1 and 9:1) and, thus,
had positive test results. Thus, the specificity of the T/E
testing in this study group was 195/197 (98%) as all subjects
were presumably drug-free.

Discussion

Our
data confirms that the T/E ratio testing is at least 98% accurate,
depending upon the true drug status of the two individuals
who had abnormal T/E ratios in this study. The two specimens
with ratios higher than the accepted norm were not verified
with further testing, and, therefore, it is not know whether
these two cases represented true or false positives. If we
assume that those two athletes were, in fact, taking performance
enhancing drugs, the accuracy, sensitivity, specificity, of
the T/E ratio testing becomes 100%.

The
fact that two athletes tested positive under the study conditions
is interesting. Although only those who professed that they
did not use any performance-enhancing drugs were recruited
for the study, perhaps those two athletes thought they might
draw attention by their lack of participation and possibly
be singled out for sanctioned testing in the future if they
chose not to participate. Since there was no fear of personal
identification or of reprisal for positive test results, they
may have felt participation was risk-free regardless, or they
simply may have felt that they could beat the system or wanted
to test the system to see if they might go undetected.

Confirmation
or refutation in the two positive cases was not pursued. However
it is felt that most likely these were true positives. The
reasons for this assumption are based on known percentages
of drug use among college athletes and previous reports of
the incidence of false positive results on initial testing.
Tricker and Connolly (1997) reported a 1% use of anabolic
steroids within the past six months in their survey of 563
college athletes. Catlin and Murray (1996) reported a similar
percentage in Olympic athletes over a nine-year period and,
over a three-year period in NCAA football players, the average
was also approximately 1%. On the other hand, Dehennin and
Scholler (1990) reported the incidence of false positives
at 15 per 10,000 (0.15%). The two positive results in this
group of 197 college athletes represented 1.1% of the study
group, and this percentage would be consistent with the anticipated
number of positive results in a random sample of male college
athletes.

The
more important issue is that the use of anabolic steroids
among athletes, although not increasing, has not diminished
under the current testing programs. Even in this study, where
volunteer athletes were recruited to participate only if they
were non-users, positive test results occurred. This is not
to say that the testing programs are ineffective, but they
are not entirely effective in acting as a deterrent to drug
use. The fear of testing positive and risking disqualification
or sanction clearly deters a certain percentage of athletes
considered at risk for drug use, but others continue to use
drugs and either hope to or try to beat the system. Testing
programs vary among sports governing agencies. At the 1996
Olympics Games in Atlanta, approximately 18% of athletes were
tested after their events including all medallists and one
or two others at random (Catlin and Murray, 1996). Random
testing leaves a chance for an athlete to avoid detection,
yet testing of all athletes one or more times during a season
is cost-prohibitive. In addition, those motivated to gain
a competitive edge, legal or otherwise, will seek novel ways
to avoid detection, including taking masking substances.

Drug
use is a serious concern, not only for the concepts of integrity
and fair play in competitive sports, but because of the health
threats to the athletes. Certainly drug testing programs should
continue with increasing numbers of athletes being tested
and increasing penalties for detection, since these are most
likely means of deterrence. Drug education programs must also
continue in a further attempt to curtail the use of illegal
performance-enhancing drugs by empowering the young athlete
with the information and skills to make responsible and healthy
decisions.

Conclusion

Drug
testing programs are designed to promote fair play and deter
drug use among athletes. Under conditions of anonymity a group
of professed non-user athletes volunteered for drug testing.
Two positive results were identified indicating the importance
of continued testing and need for further testing and education,
as testing alone is not a sufficient deterrent to eliminate
drug use among college athletes.

Acknowledgement

This
study was supported by a student institutional grant by and
performed at Brigham Young University in Provo, Utah.
References

1. Borts, D. J., & Bowers, L. D. (2000). Direct measurement
   of urinary testosterone and epitestosterone conjugates using
   high-performance liquid chromatography/tandem mass spectrometry.
   Journal of Mass Spectrometry, 35, 50-61.
2. Catlin, D. H., Cowan. D.A., De la Torre. R., Donike, M.,
   Fraisse, D., Oftebro H., Hatton, C.K., Starcevic, B., Becchi,
   M., de la Torre, X., Norli, H., Geyer, H., & Walker,
   C.J. (1996). Urinary testosterone (T) to epitestosterone
   (E) ratios by GC/MS. I. Initial comparison of uncorrected
   T/E in six international laboratories. Journal of Mass Spectrometry,
   31, 297-402.
3. Catlin, D. H., & Murray, T. H. (1996). Performance-enhancing
   drugs, fair competition, and Olympic sport. Journal of the
   American Medical Association, 276, 231-237.
4. Dehennin, L. (1994). On the origin of physiologically high
   ratios of urinary testosterone to epitestosterone: consequences
   for reliable detection of testosterone administration by
   male athletes. Journal of Endocrinology, 142, 353-360.
5. Dehennin, L., & Scholler, R. (1990) Detection of self-administration
   of testosterone as an anabolic by determination of the ratio
   of urinary testosterone to urinary epitestosterone in adolescents.
   Pathologie Biologie (Paris), 38, 920-922.
6. Garle, M., Ocka, R., Palonek, E., & Bjorkhem, I. (1996).
   Increased urinary testosterone/epitestosterone ratios found
   in Swedish athletes in connection with a national control
   program. Evaluation of 28 cases. Journal of Chromatography
   B Biomedical Applications, 687, 55-59.
7. International Olympic Committee. (1982). International Olympic
   Committee Definition of Doping and List of Doping Classes
   and Methods. Lausanne, Switzerland.
8. Ismail, A. A., & Harkness, R.A. (1966). A method for
   the estimation of urinary testosterone. Biochemistry Journal,
   99, 717-725.
9. Tricker, R., & Connolly, D. (1997). Drugs and the college
   athlete: An analysis of the attitudes of student athletes
   at risk. Journal of Drug Education, 27,105-119.
10. van de Kerkhof, D.H., de Boer, D., Thijssen, J. H., &
    Maes, R. (2000). Evaluation of testosterone/epitestosterone
    ratio influential factors as determined in doping analysis.
    Journal of Analytical Toxicology, 24,102-115.

Russell
Meldrum, MD, and
Judy R. Feinberg, PhD
Indiana University
School of Medicine
Department of Orthopedic Surgery
541 Clinical Drive
Suite 600
Indianapolis, IN 46202-5111
Phone: 317-274-8318
Fax: 317-274-3702
Email: [email protected]

A Strength Training Program of “Ya-Tung” Women’s Basketball Team of Taiwan

U.S. Sports Academy2015-10-22T23:42:41-05:00February 14th, 2008|Sports Exercise Science, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology, Women and Sports|

Rebounding, jumping, shooting, and playing defense require a decent level of strength and power. A basketball player in great condition should demonstrate the endurance to run tirelessly on the court and should possess the strength to engage in the physical battles beneath the basket. There is no doubt that strength training plays an important part in building up the power to meet demands on the court (Fulton, 1992). College basketball has emphasized strength training to a great degree because it increases overall strength, flexibility, and lean body mass (Fulton, 1992). The implementation of strength training in order to increase vertical jumping ability, thereby enhancing overall sport performance, appears well founded (Renfro, 1996). This explains why college coaches prefer their players to stay involved in strength training even under the restrictive practice schedule of the NCAA.

In Taiwan, however, coaches of women’s basketball teams did not traditionally support the idea of strength training. They distrusted it (as some American coaches do, too), viewing it as a threat to players’ flexibility, athleticism, and shooting touch (Mannie & Vorkapich, 2000). Taiwanese coaches want their players to be quick and strong, but without strength training. Can such an objective be achieved?

Working since last March with the coaches of Taipei’s national women’s basketball team, the researchers observed an interesting fact. Female players with team Cathay, the perennial Taiwanese champion, were generally stronger and more “physical” than other players. The Cathay team was the only Taiwanese women’s team with a strength-training routine, so the researchers decided to study strength training in basketball more closely, designing for a rival Taiwan team called Yatung a lifting program reflecting sound basic strength-training principles.

Strength Training and Basketball

Groves and Gayle (1989) surveyed the top 100 men’s college basketball teams using data from a USA Today poll, and found that 98% of these schools had a pre-season weight-training program. In-season weight training was employed by 75% of the programs; 88% used off-season weight training for team members, and 64% used summer weight training. Analysis of variance (ANOVA) showed that a school with in-season weight training was likely to rank higher than a school without it. While the correlation does not indicate that strength training leads to wins, but does help explain, perhaps, why 87% of coaches and athletic directors endorse strength training for their teams.

Grove and Gayle also studied physiological change in 8 college players who engaged in a year-round training program (1993). Several findings resulted from repeated ANOVA testing. First, the players experienced a decrease in the proportion of body fat. Second, lean body mass was significantly increased, although body weight did not vary much over the course of the year. Finally, players on average experienced improvement of some 27.5 lb in the bench press but did not improve significantly in terms of the height of their vertical jumps. Fulton (1992) conducted research on the combined effects of strength training and plyometrics training. In contrast to Grove and Gayle’s findings (1993), a player in Fulton’s study on average improved vertical jumps by 4.5 in following 18 weeks of training; an average player furthermore added 45 lb to his bench press performance and experienced improvement of 4% on the I-test (a test of speed and agility).

There is no data to support concerns that strength training is detrimental to shooting in basketball. Shoenfelt (1991) tested the effect of an 8-week strength-training program on the accuracy of free throws, studying 14 female collegiate players divided into two groups. Every other day, one group engaged in weight training and the other in aerobic exercise. Results showed that the immediate effect of weight training was no more detrimental (or beneficial) to free throw accuracy than the immediate effect of aerobic exercise. Kerbs (2000) studied an entire women’s basketball team, measuring free throw and speed spot shooting accuracy 8 hours after a morning weight-lifting routine. According to the study results, accuracy did not differ significantly between days when the weight-lifting routine was followed and days when it was not followed. The results, then, indicated that these players could continue with a regular lifting program on game-day mornings without losing shooting accuracy.

The results of these studies indicate that basketball players experience more advantages than disadvantages from strength training, even on game days. The conclusion reached is that strength training for basketball players is beneficial to their overall development as athletes.

A typical strength-training program for women collegiate basketball players resembles one for men’s team players (Owens, 1998). General exercises (such as the squat and the split-squat) are often used to strengthen the muscles involved in jumping and running (Renfro, 1996). Certain upper-body exercises focusing on strength, flexibility, and coordination have been examined for their effects on rebounding (Stilger & Meador, 1999). In general, a strength-training program’s goal is to increase players’ power, not just size. Sessions should be designed to prevent muscle accommodation—and boredom; they should also take into account the individual player’s particular weaknesses (Owens, 1998). Hitchcock (1988) proposed that four criteria of importance in devising a strength-training program for women basketball players: specified goals, work assigned based on performance, an equal workload, and communication with the players.

Wilmore and Costill (1994) offered a prescription for basic strength training for basketball players based on four factors: mode, frequency, duration, and intensity; the concept is illustrated in Table 1. The present researchers devised a strength-training prescription for Taiwan’s Yatung women’s basketball team that similarly incorporated the mode, frequency, duration, and intensity factors (see Table 2).

Table 1

General strength-training prescription for basketball players

Table 2

Experimental strength-training prescription for Yatung players

Discussion

Since the late 1970s strength training has become popular among college basketball teams worldwide; however, strength training is just now emerging among Taiwan’s basketball players. The present researchers suggest to coaches and sport administrators that, in order to benefit the players, they

1. work to educate Taiwanese coaches about the uses of strength training, putting to rest any misconceptions
2. promote proper strength-training methods, for example introducing them in secondary schools and the high school basketball league
3. support additional research examining physiological and psychological effects of strength training on elite Taiwanese players

References

Davies. (1993). Strength training for basketball at Maclay High School. Journal of Strength and Conditioning. 15(2), 37.

Earles, J. (1989). Implementing an in-season JV strength program for female athletes. Journal of Strength and Conditioning. 11(3), 32–34.

Fulton, K. T. (1992). Off-season strength training for basketball. Journal of Strength and Conditioning. 14(1), 31–44.

Groves, B. R., & Gayle, R. C. (1993). Physiological changes in male basketball players in year-round strength training. Journal of Strength and Conditioning Research. 7(1), 30–33.

Groves, B. R., & Gayle, R. C. (1989). Strength training and team success in NCAA men’s Division-I basketball. Journal of Strength and Conditioning. 11(6), 26–28.

Hitchcock, W. (1988). Individualized strength and conditioning program for women’s basketball. Journal of Strength and Conditioning. 10(5), 28–30.

Johnson, A. (1989). West Virginia University preseason basketball conditioning program. Journal of Strength and Conditioning. 11(1), 43–46.

Kerbs, B. (2000). Effects of same-day strength training on shooting skills of female collegiate basketball players. Microfilm Publication. Eugene, OR: University of Oregon.

Mannie, K., & Vorkapich, M. (2000). Off-season and preseason strength conditioning for basketball. Scholastic Coach and Athletic Director. 70(3), 6–11.

Owen, J. (1998). Strength training for basketball: Building post players. Journal of Strength and Conditioning. lang=FR>20 lang=FR>(1), 16–21.

Renfro, J. G. (1996). Basketball specific squats. Journal of Strength and Conditioning.18(6), 29–30.

Shoenfelt, E. L. (1991). Immediate effect of weight training as compared to aerobic exercise on free throw shooting in collegiate basketball players. Perceptual and Motor Skills. 73(2), 367–370.

Stilger, V., & Meador, R. (1999). Strength exercises: An upper body proprioceptive neuromuscular facilitation rebounding exercise. Journal of Strength and Conditioning. 21(6), 29–31.

Zucker, A. (1989). Men’s basketball off-season Phase I strength program. Journal of Strength and Conditioning. 10(6), 39–40.

Author Note

Dr. Richard C. Bell is the chair of sport management at the United States Sports Academy. Steven Chen is a doctoral candidate at the United States Sports Academy.

Minority Hiring Practices in Professional Sports

U.S. Sports Academy2013-11-26T21:46:34-06:00February 14th, 2008|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Facilities, Sports Management|

Introduction

Professional sports provide a source of entertainment for millions of people. Players and games are seen as diversions to everyday life. Yet to athletes, and to those who work behind the scenes in the front-offices, professional sport is a job. Running and managing sports teams and leagues is big business. As such, hiring practices of these institutions should be of societal concern. Franchises impact the lives of not only those whom they employ, but entire cities as well. From the construction and operation of stadiums to the local merchants who take care of the fans, sports teams greatly affect a city’s economy. A glance at the rosters can quickly show what the players’ demographics are, but a closer look is needed to see the racial and gender make-up of these various teams and leagues.

Statement of the Problem

The purpose of this paper is to review the demographic hiring history of various professional sports teams and leagues. The demographic make-up of players, front-office and league personnel will be compared to the overall labor market to determine how professional sports fare in creating jobs for minority groups.

Independent Variable

The percentage of minority hiring across gender and racial lines will serve as the independent variable in this study.

Dependent Variables

The various professional sports organizations (NFL, NBA, MLB) and the population rates for each selected minority group will serve as the dependent variables in this study.

Hypothesis

Sports organizations will likely fare well in terms of minority hiring where players are concerned. African-Americans comprise a majority on most teams’ rosters, and Hispanics fare well in Major League Baseball. More opportunities are emerging for women. Front-office positions will most likely be under-represented in minority hiring, particularly among females.

Assumptions

This study assumes no one is excluded from pursuing jobs in the professional sports field due to gender or race.

Limitations

This study is delimited to professional sports teams, their players and league personnel.

Significance of the Study

The overall labor force is becoming more diverse. Professional athletes have traditionally been male and, for the most part, Caucasian or African-American. The emergence of new professional sports organizations for women have increased opportunities for female athletes. But who is working off-field for these organizations? How have sports teams and leagues staffed their organizations? Are they in line with the national labor hiring practices? Or, are they in stark contrast with the real world? A minority unfriendly hiring practice could have a negative impact on the popularity and support for each league.

Review of Literature

A review of the literature reveals that the data can be interpreted in a multitude of ways. At first glance professional sports seem to epitomize a system of racial harmony and equality. One needs only to look at the rosters of various teams in the National Basketball Association (NBA), the National Football League (NFL), or Major League Baseball (MLB) to find a healthy mix of minority participation. A closer inspection reveals some disturbing observations. True, while minority participation is high, it seems relegated to one particular minority group, the African-American male. The opportunities for female athletes to participate have increased due to the formation of various sports leagues, most notably the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA), but their numbers still far trail those of their male counterparts. Hispanic and Asian-American participation seems limited to MLB, where their numbers are not reflective of their presence in the overall population. A look at the team and league offices reveals that the true position of power in these sports is predominately dominated by the white male.

The Northeastern University Center for the Study of Sport in Society has been issuing racial report cards for professional team sports. The report has evolved from grading minority participation and employment in a few select leagues (NFL, NBA, MLB), to grading minority and gender participation in collegiate and other professional sports. The report also emphasizes the various levels of authority from coaching to ownership. An early report in 1992 found that the top management hiring practices of the NBA earned a B-, the NFL a C, and MLB an F (Clay, 1994). In a more comprehensive 1997 report, the overall grades for the three sports leagues were NBA an A, NFL a B, and MLB a C. In terms of playing opportunities for minorities the NFL and NBA each earned A+ grades, while MLB received an A. Coaching opportunities found the NBA leading the way again with an A, the NFL received a C+, and MLB a B. No league fared exceptionally well in terms of top management positions held by minorities. These positions include owners and executive officers. The NBA received a C, the NFL a C, and MLB an F (Hubbard, 1998). The 1998 report card included gender grades as well as looking at the National Hockey League (NHL), Major League Soccer (MLS), and the WNBA. Grades for colleges were included as well. The NBA once again scored the highest receiving an A- for minority hiring, and a B for gender hiring. The NFL graded a B+ for minority and a D+ for gender. MLB earned a B for minority hiring practices, but did not receive a gender grade due to a lack of available information. In any event, in terms of race, each league either maintained (MLB) or improved their scores. Other key findings were that soccer had the best record for minority group diversity; the NHL held the best opportunities for women; and that the WNBA had a good record for both minority group and gender diversity (“NBA Scores Highest”, 1999). Sport in Society Director Richard Lapchick stated after his tenth study that “While the hiring practices in sport have gotten better for people of color and women, there is clearly significant room for progress in all sports. Nonetheless, pro sports is measurably ahead of society in these matters.” (“NBA Scores Highest”, 1999).

Compiling statistics on such matters is not unique to Northeastern University. The Women’s Sports Foundation Gender Equity Report Card of 1997 found female involvement to be rare at higher levels of sports management, and opportunities were generally confined to director level positions in two jobs in particular. The Director of Promotions is 58.8% female, and the Director of Marketing is 29.9% female (Delpy, 1998). The Foundation also studied female spectatorship in the various leagues. Statistics showed that despite high levels of interest, the opportunities to work for these sports clubs were not there.

League Females Team/League Executives Female TV Audience
MLB 11/ 190 (5.8%)44%
NBA 19 /203 (9.4%)40%
NFL 10/171 (5.8%)40%
NHL 13/187 (6.9%)41%
–refers to women in CEO, CFO, COO, President or Vice President positions (Delpy, 1998).

The numbers look a little better for women when considering all senior front office positions, especially when compared to their African-American counterparts. Women held 16% of such jobs as compared to 10% for African-Americans in the NFL, and 31% to 11% in the NBA (Holder,1999).

The perceptions of racial discrimination arise when one considers the vast discrepancy between the number of minorities who participate as players to those who help organize and run organizations at team or league levels. “The number of minorities hired . . . doesn’t come anywhere close to the number of Black athletes who play the games . . . On the field sports have as much equal opportunity as anything America has to offer. Off the field, sports are very segregated.” (Greenlee, 1998). As of 1996, African-Americans comprised 12.2% of the United States population, but were represented on 75% of the NBA rosters, 63% of the NFL’s, and 33% of MLB’s (Evans, 1997). Presently there are 4 African-American head coaches in the NFL (13% of such positions), 7 in the NBA (24%), and 3 African-American (11%) and 1 Hispanic (3%) in MLB. African-American assistant coaches account for 25% of NFL staffs, 34% of the NBA’s, and 14% of MLB’s (Holder, 1999). Furthermore, of the 221 officiating positions in professional sports, 25 were filled by African-Americans (Lyons, 1992). Until 1997, there were no female officials. In that year, Violet Palmer and Dee Kantner made history by becoming the first women to officiate an NBA game.

There are numerous theories and opinions as to the importance of these statistics. One such theory is the Key Functionaries Theory where “key functionaries are positions within a social system that are capable of influencing and performing crucial activities” (Evans, 1997). The key functionary roles in sport include positions such as sportscaster, executive, coach or a paid endorser. The scarcity of African-Americans in these roles in sport is seen as proof that discriminatory barriers have not been abolished, but replaced by barriers in institutional practices that involve key functionary positions. Discrimination has shifted from criteria based on ascription (race) to achievement (or holding proper necessities for the job) (Evans, 1997). This institutional bias has led to African-Americans being under-represented in other prominent sport categories such as fans, referees, writers, program producers, directors, senior executives, printers of programs and/or tickets, agents, attorneys and vendors. Others who echo these discriminatory practices are in place are sports luminaries such as John Thompson and Joe Morgan. Thompson, long time coach at Georgetown University, questions the lack of minorities in front office positions and sarcastically quips African-Americans are “competent as a player, but so incompetent that his knowledge leaves him once he graduates from a university” (“Is there a double standard”, 1998). Joe Morgan, Hall of Fame baseball player of the Cincinnati Reds, points out that not one minority was even interviewed for the last thirty three managerial positions in MLB (“Is there a double standard”, 1997). The situation on the playing fields may not be as rosy as some would believe either. Tony Banks and Rodney Peete comment on the low number of African-American quarterbacks in the NFL, and Peete says, “We don’t often get the opportunity to go and make mistakes or get three or four years to develop” (“Is there a double standard”, 1997). Sherman Lewis, long time NFL assistant coach and Offensive Coordinator of the Green Bay Packers, ponders his situation. Lewis has seen two of his understudies, Steve Mariucci and Jon Gruden, given head coaching jobs ahead of him. Of Gruden, Lewis comments, “If you think Jon Gruden is more qualified for a head coaching position than me, it’s like saying I am more qualified to be president than Bill Clinton” (Hubbard, 1998). “Black athletes have taken pro sports to a higher level. But when it comes to who coaches, who manages, and who gets administration positions, athletics is strictly a white mans’ game” (Greenlee, 1998). Others view the numbers differently, and see no real discriminatory practices at work. A study to examine the relationship between the racial composition of NBA, NFL, and MLB teams and the racial composition of the franchise cities found that there were no systematic correlations (Leonard II, 1997). Previous theories held that cities with lower African-American populations fielded teams with lower percentages of African-American players, i.e., “The whiter the city, the whiter the team” (Leonard II, 1997). Leonard II’s study showed no such correlation and thus no directed bias or intentional segregation against African-American players on the part of NBA owners. Another study found no systematical bias of fan voting for MLB All-Stars in relation to race or ethnicity. The historical study found that by 1996 African-American players appeared to have an edge in fan selections which is “striking in light of the fact that black attendance at ball games is not only quite small but seems to have declined over the period” (“Color-Blind”, 1999). Still others feel that if there is a bias it is against white players. “If imbalances betoken bias, and if underrepresentation of various ethnic groups is a big, big problem, what shall we do about the scandalous underrepresentation of whites in most big-league sports?” (Seligman, 1987). Seligman’s true contention is that African-American athletes are simply better at their jobs, and that charges of bias and discrimination, and movements to enact affirmative action policies are brought up too readily.

Conclusion

Professional sports is not only entertainment but big business as well. As a business, the teams and leagues must concern themselves with dominant public issues. One such issue discussed in this paper are minority hiring practices. Comments by sports executives such as those made by Cincinnati Reds owner Marge Schott and former Los Angeles Dodger executive Al Campanis have led many to believe that racist and sexist beliefs run rampant among those who manage and run professional sports. A look at the numbers shows that this may or may not be the case.

At first glance, the rosters of pro sports teams seem to symbolize an ethnic diversity that should be admired and emulated. African-Americans could certainly think so, as this group comprises 75% of NBA rosters, 63% of the NFL’s, and 33% of MLB. But what of Hispanics and Asian-Americans whose only impact is in MLB, and even there at low levels of participation. These minority groups are under-represented at the collegiate level as well. In fact, only 1,400 Hispanics competed in major college sports in 1993-94 (Lapchick, 1995). Women, as a minority group, are faring much better, although their numbers still fall well behind those of their male counterparts. Thanks to Title IX, interest and participation has increased in women’s athletics. These opportunities have led to the formation of the WNBA, with other leagues to follow. Female athletes will continue to strive for equal compensation and endorsement opportunities in relation to their male peers, but their opportunity of expansion into new sports leagues far excels those of males.

The question of discrimination arises when one looks at the number of minorities who hold coaching and front office positions. Many observers feel the numbers should be more reflective of the people who actually play in the games. Presently, African-Americans constitute 13% of all head coaches in the NFL, 24% in the NBA, and 11% in MLB. These numbers are more in line with the overall African-American population in the U.S. of 12.2%, and are much more reflective of a truly diverse organization. The lack of other minority groups, where only one Hispanic holds a managerial position in MLB, should be more of a concern to the Reverend Jesse Jackson and the Rainbow Commission for Fairness in Sport. Senior front office positions are another story. One could assume that the knowledge of sports issues among minority groups is increasing due to participation and would be reflected in an increase in front office hiring. African-Americans hold 10% of the front office positions in the NFL and 11% in the NBA. Women hold 16% and 31% respectively. However, these positions are usually pigeonholed in particular jobs such as Director of Promotions, or Director of Marketing. Diversity demands an increase in these numbers and job titles.

Minority of hiring practices of professional sports teams and leagues should reflect society as a whole and not be based on the athletes who play the game. Yet, participation is important because it reduces the barriers in hiring relating to on-the-field experience and knowledge of competition. Before focusing on the private sector of professional sports, much progress can and should be made in the public sector, namely college athletics. At these mostly publically funded institutions of learning, experience can be gained by minorities in all areas from playing to management. Increased minority opportunities at the collegiate level will enable professional sports teams to identify successful candidates to fill similar positions in their organizations. According to the Northeastern University Report Card, professional sports have outperformed colleges in terms of minority and gender hiring. Professional sports teams and leagues should be credited with the work they have done, and continue to do through their internship programs for minorities. Minority hiring practices will be easier to monitor as professional sports leagues continue to expand. Expansion allows for teams to build their managerial staffs from the ground up rather than trying to fill one position at a time. More important, expansion presents the opportunity for minority ownership of teams.
A hiring practice that mirrors a society’s population cannot be labeled biased or discriminatory. Furthermore, if said hiring practice does not meet societal levels it does not necessarily mean that the organization is biased or discriminatory. Candidates for jobs not only have to be willing to participate but must meet all the qualifications for that position. Applicants must have the interest, ability, knowledge, experience and aptitude to carry out the job duties. In terms of professional rosters, one can easily argue that teams are simply employing the best available talent. The fact that so few Hispanics and Asian-Americans are competing in football, basketball and some respects baseball at the collegiate level makes the argument of having these groups more fairly represented at the professional level a moot point. As far as head coaching positions are concerned, one must remember that these are very exclusive and competitive jobs. Only thirty-one positions are available in the NFL. The four African-Americans who currently hold head coaching positions (13%) clearly mirror the overall U.S. population of this minority group. Are there more qualified African-American candidates to assume these roles? Most certainly. Should the number of African-American head coaches be raised simply to reflect the over-representation of African-American athletes participating in the games? Absolutely not!

Owners must be given credit for running their organizations. If owners are putting the best available talent on the field, and are color-blind enough to bolster their rosters with African-Americans, then it is just as conceivable that they are staffing their front offices with the best talent that they know. Ownership in sports league franchises is also an ultra-exclusive fraternity. Franchises are very expensive assets, and teams, for the most part, are run to win championships and generate income. To inflict a quota system on these privately held “corporations” is not only unfair, but does not allow these individuals to exercise all their business acumen that enabled them to become successful enough to buy a team in the first place. As more people compete and take part in athletics, particularly females, the greater the talent pool for jobs in sport will grow. In a perfect world we would all get the jobs we wished for. The fact is, if a professional sports team/league is hiring minority groups in a manner which mirrors their societal population, and they are hiring qualified personnel, then charging them with discriminatory behavior is difficult to justify.

References

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Lapchick, Richard. (July 5, 1995). HO Perspectives: college sports and race. The Hispanic Outlook in Higher Education, 5(22), 16.

Leonard II, Wilbert M. (December, 1997). Racial Composition of NBA, NFL, and MLB Teams and Racial Composition of Franchise Cities. Journal of Sport Behavior, 20(4), 424-434.

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NBA Scores the Highest in Hiring Minority Groups. (August 16, 1999). Jet, p. 46.

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