1998 – Page 3 – The Sport Journal

NCAA Tennis Coaches’ Views on Recruiting with a Team Website

Submitted by: Jonathan Casper and Peter S. Finley

Abstract

At most universities today, the athletic program maintains an Internet website to provide information about its particular teams and put into athletes’ hands a form for prospective team members that can be submitted directly to coaches for appraisal of the athletes’ academic and athletic information. To date no research has sought insight into how and to what extent websites are used by coaches as recruiting tools. The present study surveyed NCAA tennis coaches (N = 232) about this topic. According to its results, most coaches find the website to be useful in the recruiting process. Comparison of coaches in three NCAA divisions showed that the lower division coaches use and value this recruiting tool significantly more (p < .003) than do Division I coaches.

NCAA Tennis Coaches’ Views on Recruiting with a Team Website

It is clear that athlete recruitment represents an important component of collegiate athletics. For students, the would-be recruits, “selecting a college is a time-consuming and difficult process” (Kirk & Kirk, 1993, p. 55). This process, at least for student-athletes, involves the consideration of several factors, including but not limited to a school’s geographic location, its urban or rural setting, the size of its student population, the reputations of its academic and athletic programs, and its graduation rates (Kirk & Kirk, 1993).

The recruiting process, of course, is intended to shape student-athletes’ selection of a college. Despite the increasing importance of recruiting across all division levels of the NCAA (Klenosky, Templin, & Troutman, 2001), the process has received little scholarly attention. The use of unique team websites to carry out via the Internet the important coaching duty of recruiting has been nearly ignored. One examination, however, of the websites maintained by NCAA women’s cross country teams found they are being used as tools in the recruiting process (Finley & Finley, 2003). Supporting the study’s claim was the presence on websites of such content as letters to prospective athletes, NCAA clearinghouse information, and electronically transferred personal information forms. It was noted, as well, that most school websites could do far more to maximize their potential in the recruiting process, for example by supplying more of the kind of information expected to be of interest to recruits, such as coach’s philosophy, review of athletic facilities, and images of teams.

A 1998 report from the Commerce Department said that Internet usage doubles every 100 days, with more than 100 million people now online in the United States (Caskey & Delpy, 1999). Worldwide usage estimates from September 2002 furthermore suggest at least 605 million people use the Internet (NUA Internet Surveys, 2003). The Internet clearly has “evolved into a mainstream communications medium for Americans, as well as users in other countries around the world” (Caskey & Delpy, 1999, p .13).

Given the sport’s international nature, using the World Wide Web to reach prospective athletes may be of especial significance to collegiate tennis. According to Casey Angle, director of communications for the Intercollegiate Tennis Association, in the 2002–03 academic year 17% of NCAA tennis players were international students, with nearly one third of Division I players being foreign born (personal communication, June 5, 2003). Recruiting players who live overseas may be accomplished more readily with a complete and compelling website than by more traditional means. Particularly at the Division III level, for example, tennis programs have limited recruiting budgets. As Walsh (1997) describes it, “Coaches at the second tier schools recruit just as actively as the larger universities. But their recruiting budgets are smaller, and they often must play a waiting game” (p. 135). In fact, a Division III tennis program has an average annual recruiting budget of a paltry $300 (Fulks, 2000). The Internet can offer an inexpensive means of bringing coaches together with players too far away to visit. Walsh notes (1997) that, “In the non-revenue producing sports with limited recruiting budgets, coaches may be more eager for information” (p. 89).

In addition to disseminating information to prospective student-athletes, websites have come to be used for information gathering, delivering initial forms for completion by the prospect. Such a form elicit descriptions of a prospect’s playing experience, academic performance, and contact information; it is returned directly to a coach’s e-mail. Finley & Finley (2003) noted that such forms are present on over half (51.9%) of those websites maintained by NCAA women’s cross country teams, with 72% of Division III programs utilizing them.

The present study sought to better understand contemporary approaches to recruitment of NCAA tennis players by surveying their prospective coaches. The researchers were guided by three research goals: (a) to determine the extent to which NCAA tennis coaches view websites as meaningful aids in recruitment; (b) to determine the the extent to which the coaches value electronic prospective student-athlete forms; and (c) to observe any significant differences among the responses of Division I, II, and III coaches, as well as between the responses of coaches using prospective student-athlete forms and coaches not using them.

]Method[

Participants and Instrument

The sample consisted of 232 head tennis coaches (109 from NCAA Division I schools, 50 from Division II schools, and 73 from Division III schools) who where current members of the Intercollegiate Tennis Association (ITA). The ITA serves as the governing association of college tennis and also prepares rankings throughout the competitive season. The researchers contacted by e-mail all head coaches having an e-mail address published in the 2002–03 ITA membership directory, inviting their participation in the study; approval to use the directory was granted by the ITA.

The study comprised an original exploratory study in this subject area. It employed a survey containing 13 questions for coaches whose team website included a prospective student-athlete (PSA) form, and 9 questions for coaches whose website did not include a PSA form. The first 2 questions (for both groups) established which NCAA division (I, II, or III) a coach belonged to and whether the coach used a PSA form featuring electronic submission. Remaining questions solicited coaches’ perceptions of the value of websites and PSA forms to recruitment, using a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Table 1 and Table 2 present the survey questions, response means, and standard deviations.

Procedures

A specialist in statistical research methods assessed the survey instrument’s face validity prior to pilot testing of the instrument. A college sports information director responsible for managing an athletic program website featuring a PSA form also reviewed the instrument. Recommendations from the two led to the omission or revision of some of the survey questions. A pilot study with 7 coaches from various sports was then conducted to ensure that all survey items were clear and relevant to the research goals. Feedback from the pilot study participants enabled the researchers to enhance the items’ clarity with further wording changes.

An e-mail to NCAA head tennis coaches invited them to complete the survey online by following a web link. The e-mail informed the prospective respondents that the study intended to describe tennis coaches’ attitudes toward team websites and PSA forms. The prospective respondents were told (a) that participation was voluntary, (b) that no personal information would be solicited, (c) that no more than 3 min would be needed to complete the survey, and (d) that respondent identity would be kept confidential. The link to the survey remained active for 3 weeks after the initial invitation was sent. A follow-up e-mail reminder was sent 2 weeks after the initial invitation to coaches who had not returned the survey. The web link was designed to prevent submission of multiple surveys by a single respondent and could be accessed only by coaches who had been sent the initial e-mail invitation.

Descriptive statistics were calculated using the competitive division variables (I, II, III) and use-of-PSA-form variable. A series of univariate ANOVAs using the Bonferroni adjustment was then conducted with each of the remaining questions, to examine the relationships of competitive division (independent variable) to coach perceptions of the website and PSA form in the recruiting process (dependent variables). Student-Newman-Keuls (SNK) post hoc tests were employed to differentiate the NCAA divisions on the variables. The responses of coaches using a PSA form and those not using such a form were differentiated with t tests.

]Results[

The means and standard deviations for each question are presented in Table 1. In specific terms of their athletic program websites, the surveyed coaches all perceived the website to be an important recruiting tool, whether they served Division I, II, or III institutions. Most of the coaches indicated a belief that prospective student-athletes do use websites to select a school and that maintaining a quality website is important. Coaches who used a PSA form perceived it as a useful tool for recruiting and information gathering, but gave more neutral answers when asked if such forms gave them a recruiting advantage over programs not using PSA forms. Similarly, coaches not using PSA forms gave relatively neutral answers when asked if they perceived themselves as disadvantaged by lack of a PSA form. In general the coaches not using forms agreed that the technology would improve their chances to recruit better players.

Post hoc analysis of those questions generating significant differences during ANOVA revealed certain NCAA division–based trends in recruiting. Relative to coaches in the other two divisions, Division I coaches did not feel the PSA form effectively identified and recruited athletes or gathered information. Division I coaches who used a PSA form also perceived a relatively small recruiting advantage in that form, compared to Division II and Division III coaches who used the form. In addition, compared to the lower division coaches, Division I coaches reported less likelihood of responding to a prospective athlete who had contacted the coach via a PSA form. Coaches in the top NCAA division reported that players completing PSA forms had little chance of making a roster, as compared to the coaches in Division II and Division III. Division I coaches not using a PSA form also indicated a lesser tendency than Division II and Division III coaches to respond to players who contact them about their program.

Table 2 shows the means and standard deviations for the comparisons of the responses from coaches using PSA forms and coaches not using them. ANOVAs were also conducted to detect significant differences between the two groups’ attitudes. The analysis indicated only one significant difference, which was that coaches not using PSA forms agreed more strongly that an athletic program website is an important recruiting tool.

]Conclusions[

Although the study found some significant differences, among NCAA head tennis coaches the general trend is a perception that an athletic program website and PSA form are valuable tools in the recruiting process and that students are likely making choices based on information such websites present. Division II and Division III coaches value websites and PSA forms, for identification of potential recruits, to a greater extent than Division I coaches do. These study findings suggest how useful Internet recruiting technologies may prove for NCAA Division II and Division III athletic programs, as a low-cost means to locate and recruit prospects. Further research will need to examine how prospective student-athletes use the Internet to gather information affecting college choice as well as which website elements influence prospects most.

Table 1

Survey Items’ Descriptive Statistics, by NCAA Division, Employing 7-Point Likert Scale of 1 (Strongly Disagree) to 7 (Strongly Agree)

Question	Division	N	Mean	SD
The website is an important tool in the recruiting process.
	1	108	5.92	1.23
	2	50	5.58	1.62
	3	73	5.56	1.17
	Total	231	5.73	1.31
A quality website will help attract prospective student-athletes.
	1	108	5.97	1.06
	2	48	5.83	1.36
	3	73	5.90	1.08
	Total	229	5.92	1.13
I believe student-athletes are using information from team websites to assist in making their college choice.
	1	107	5.90	1.15
	2	49	5.76	1.11
	3	73	5.44	1.12
	Total	229	5.72	1.14
My team’s website is updated frequently to provide information that may be of interest to prospective student-athletes.
	1	108	5.22	1.38
	2	49	4.65	1.87
	3	73	5.16	1.51
	Total	230	5.08	1.54
In identifying and recruiting prospective student-athletes, the prospective student-athlete forms contribute very little to the process (respondent uses PSA).^a
	1	53	4.51	1.61
	2	20	3.60	1.39
	3	53	3.21	1.49
	Total	126	3.82	1.63
The prospective student-athlete form is an important information gathering tool (respondent uses PSA).^b
	1	53	4.60	1.47
	2	20	5.35	1.35
	3	53	5.53	1.12
	Total	126	5.11	1.38
Having the prospective student-athlete form gives me a recruiting advantage over schools that do not have this technology available (respondent uses PSA).
	1	53	4.25	1.30
	2	20	4.80	1.61
	3	52	5.04	1.43
	Total	125	4.66	1.44
Most players who complete the prospective student-athlete form have little chance of making the roster (respondent uses PSA).^a
	1	53	4.77	1.34
	2	20	4.05	1.73
	3	53	3.40	1.39
	Total	126	4.08	1.55
I respond to players who fill out the prospective student-athlete form (respondent uses PSA).^b	1	53	5.57	1.20
	2	20	6.00	.97
	3	53	6.21	.86
	Total	126	5.90	1.07
The prospective student-athlete form begins a dialogue through which I inform players about my program (respondent uses PSA).
	1	52	5.27	1.40
	2	20	5.50	1.64
	3	53	5.85	1.15
	Total	125	5.55	1.36
Not having the prospective student-athlete form puts me at a recruiting disadvantage compared to schools that have this technology (respondent does not use PSA).
	1	55	4.56	1.85
	2	29	4.72	1.53
	3	20	4.80	1.24
	Total	104	4.65	1.65
I respond to players who contact me about my program (respondent does not use PSA).
	1	55	6.38	.89
	2	29	6.31	.54
	3	19	6.89	.32
	Total	103	6.46	.75
Having a prospective student-athlete form on my team’s website would improve my ability to identify and recruit quality players (respondent does not use PSA).
	1	54	5.09	1.65
	2	29	5.24	1.15
	3	19	5.53	1.07
	Total	102	5.22	1.43

^aDivision I differs significantly from Divisions II and III (p < .003). ^bDivision I and Division III differ significantly (p < .003).

Table 2

Descriptive Statistics for 4 Survey Items, by Respondent’s Use of PSA Form

Question	PSA	N	Mean	SD
The website is an important tool in the recruiting process.*
	PSA	126	5.51	1.43
	No PSA	105	6.00	1.10
	Total	231	5.73	1.31
A quality website will help attract prospective student-athletes.
	PSA	125	5.82	1.23
	No PSA	104	6.05	1.00
	Total	229	5.92	1.13
I believe student-athletes are using information from team websites to assist in making their college choice.
	PSA	125	5.62	1.13
	No PSA	104	5.85	1.16
	Total	229	5.72	1.14
My team’s website is updated frequently to provide information that may be of interest to prospective student-athletes.
	PSA	126	5.14	1.44
	No PSA	104	5.01	1.67
	Total	230	5.08	1.54

* p < .01

References

Caskey, R., & Delpy, L. (1999). An examination of sport web sites and the opinion of employees toward the use and viability of the world wide web as a profitable sports marketing tool. Sport Marketing Quarterly, 8(2), 13–24.

Finley, P. S., & Finley, L. L. (2003). An analysis of women’s cross country web sites at NCAA schools as aids in the recruiting process. The Sport Journal, 6(2). Retrieved October 3, 2003, from www.thesportjournal.org/2003Journal/Vol6 No2/websites.htm

Fulks, D. L. (2000). Revenues and expenses of Division III intercollegiate athletics programs: Financial trends and relationships–1999. Indianapolis, IN: National Collegiate Athletic Association.

NUA Internet Surveys. (2003). How many online? Retrieved October 3, 2003, from http://www.nua.com/surveys/how_many_online/index.html

Kirk, W., & Kirk, S. (Eds.). (1993). Student athletes: Shattering the myths and sharing the realities. Alexandria, VA: American Counseling Association.

Klenosky, D., Templin, T., & Troutman, J. (2001). Recruiting student athletes: A means-end investigation of school-choice decision making. Journal of Sport Management, 15, 96–106.

Walsh, J. (1997). Everything you need to know about college sports recruiting. Kansas City, MO: Andrews and McNeel.

U.S. Sports Academy2015-03-20T08:52:11-05:00January 2nd, 2004|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Facilities, Sports Management, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off

Use of Brazilian Soccer to Improve Children’s School Experience

Submitted by: Antonio J. Muller

In Brazil, often considered the premier country for soccer, soccer is a way of life for millions. The game exerts an immense influence within a social context.The way in which soccer is included in the program of Brazil’s schools, however, could be more appropriate. This paper looks at Brazilian soccer’s social impact in an effort to understand its implications for schools.

Brazilian Soccer History

The history of soccer in Brazil reflects the wider history of the people and helps explain, perhaps, Brazilian society’s appreciation for the game. A variety of people from different parts of the world helped build a unique Brazilian culture, which comprises the largest multiracial democracy on our planet. When the Portuguese arrived in what is now Brazil, a small native population scattered throughout the area was often enslaved. Other slaves were subsequently brought to the area from West Africa and forced to work in mines and on farms. These slaves had metal-working skills that the native people lacked. African slaves also brought with them new music, dances, cookery, and martial arts. These contributed to shaping a lifestyle that all Brazilians now share. Most of the more recent European settlers were attracted to Brazil’s coffee-growing regions and to the growing industrial towns in the southeast. Brazil in fact has been occupied by “foreigners” for a much shorter time than most other countries.

Soccer was brought to Brazil in 1885 by Charles Miller, an Englishman. The Portuguese called it futebol, and it was initially played in private clubs by young men of the elite class. This discrimination against poor people and black people in terms of soccer access persisted for decades but began to be transformed in 1933, with the advent of professional soccer. The game then became very popular in schools, factories, and clubs. Futebol was practiced throughout the country, on beaches and fields, and the number of players grew quickly.

It is generally accepted that to understand Brazilian soccer, one needs to understand Brazil’s people. Their diverse races and cultures combined in a social phenomenon that is embodied in local and national soccer. Futebol became popular in the low-income population, where blacks and mulattos were overrepresented. That there is a distinctive, footwork-intense “Brazilian style” of soccer is, according to some authors, a legacy of the endemic, music-accompanied martial art capoeira and the dance style samba, both of which reflect African cultural development (Melo, 2000). Brazilian-style soccer is as much an art as a sport. The people who bequeathed it valued both complexity of rhythms and creativity of choreography. A nation of ex-slaves, they demonstrated great capacity to overcome injustice–and plain suffering–through imagination (Maranhão, 2002). Brazilian fans today look for the agile “soccer-artist” to focus their interest and appreciation on.

Another more practical aspect of soccer has influenced its history in Brazil. That is, the game is easy to play, with simple rules and no requirement for elaborate equipment or special playing locations. It can be played on synthetic grass or on abandoned land; it is played on more than 2,000 beaches. It is even played indoors in homes, with soccer balls comprising folded socks, oranges, soda bottle lids, and other handy items. Moreover, people with various physical attributes can participate in soccer, meaning many players, and the more players available, the more very talented players available. Soccer in Brazil is similar to basketball in the United States, in that the general cultural environment is characterized by extensive (and intensive) pursuit of the sport; people are shaped by their environments, in this case to want to play soccer and basketball, respectively.

Brazil has more professional soccer teams than any other country in the world. A wealth of players and a passion for play led the Brazilian soccer team to become the first ever to win the World Cup five times (in 1958, 1962, 1970, 1994, and 2002).

Heroes and Illusions

It has been argued that Brazil’s soccer culture possesses more influence over Brazilians’ lives than even aspects of politics or economics (Maranhão, 2002). Media coverage plays a role, and so does the myth of the rags-to-riches soccer star. Such media idols are much imitated by children, many of whom–like Pelé, Garrincha, Zico, Romário, and Ronaldo themselves–learned to play soccer in the dirt, under conditions of harsh poverty. Soccer here is a mix of joy in playing and suffering in being poor. In Brazil’s streets the boys of the nation, particularly boys from ethnic minorities, kick a ball and dream of becoming media idols themselves. This dream motivates millions of children: Soccer is their only hope of a future outside of poverty. Every time a poor kid succeeds through futebol, Brazil’s national soccer culture becomes even more deeply ingrained.

According to Teich (2002), a number of players on Brazilian national soccer teams have followed a common path. Very poor and having limited schooling, they became more than idols: They became owners of surprising wealth. They pursued their soccer playing intensively and the skills they developed strengthened soccer in Brazil, adding to its worldwide fame. They believed in soccer as their way up, economically and socially. There is a commonly held idea in Brazil that for the poor, especially the dark-skinned poor, social mobility can come only through soccer, music, or drug trafficking.

Would-be soccer stars without world-class talent grow up to be motoboys, delivery boys on motorcycles, or perhaps van drivers, if they do not die first in confrontations with police or drug dealers. In Brazil the realities of race and power, which translate into realities of opportunity and ability, have long histories that boil down to nonwhites’ deprivation of health, education, work, and income (Graham, 1990). This is why, Arbena argues (1988), for Brazil’s poorest children and teens, soccer’s importance to daily life transcends simple recreation.

To say that becoming a professional Brazilian soccer player guarantees wealth is not entirely true. According to the Brazilian Soccer Association, only 4.3% of professional players receive over US $1,350 in pay each month (4,000 Brazilian reais). The great majority of players, 83.4%, earn less than US $120 monthly (“Salários,” 1998).

Soccer, School, and a More Inclusive Society

Despite the great importance of soccer to Brazil’s culture, the positive social impact that could result from the game’s careful use in Brazilian schools typically has been neglected. Transforming the schools into places that generally please children would stimulate learning. Brazil’s children play soccer before, after, and yes, during, school. Adults, however, have not capitalized on soccer’s youthful popularity to improve social integration. They have not even approached soccer as a tool for enhancing school attendance and thereby promoting learning. Surely one solution to school failure, including dropping out, would be organized soccer. School must be connected to students’ local culture, which represents what they have already learned. As Freire (1992) explained, children take to school with them an understanding of their world (the place of their origin and the culture it supports) that is in fact the beginning of all other knowledge they obtain over time. Because they know soccer so well, the sport offers nothing less than a means of knowledge development and resulting liberation, if it could be strongly connected to what the children are asked to learn at school.

The schools belong to society. Society should move to promote opportunity for all Brazilians by putting soccer to work in its schools. For a few, it might turn out to be the dream come true of soccer stardom, but with a complete academic education, even for the many, economic opportunity will begin to expand.

References

Arbena, J. (Ed.). (1988). Sport and society in Latin America: Diffusion, dependency, and the rise of mass culture. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

Salários dos jogadores no futebol profissional brasileiro [Players’ salaries in Brazilian professional soccer]. (1998, February 14). Folha de Sao Paulo.

Freire, P. (1992). Pedagogia da esperança [Pedagogy of hope]. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra.

Graham, R. (1990). The idea of race in Latin America, 1870–1940. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

Maranhão, C. (2002, July). O pais do futebol [Soccer nation]. Revista Veja, 1758A(26A), 48–52.

Melo, V. A. (2000). Futebol: Paixão e política [Soccer: Passion and politics]. Rio de Janeiro: DP&A Editora.

Teich, D. (2002, July 17). De onde eles vieram? [Where did they come from?]. Revista Veja, 28A, 36–42.

U.S. Sports Academy2015-03-20T08:48:28-05:00January 1st, 2004|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Coaching, Sports Management|Comments Off