ISSN: 1543-9518|Vol. 24

Qualitative Analysis of International Student-Athlete Perspectives on Recruitment and Transitioning into American College Sport

David Pierce (Ball State University); Nels Popp (Illinois State University); Brad Meadows (Ball State University)

### Abstract

Recruiting international athletes is a growing trend in American intercollegiate sport, and international student-athletes play an increasingly prominent role in NCAA competition. This research answers the following questions regarding the recruitment of international student-athletes and their transition to college life: (1) what is the most difficult aspect of the international university experience?; (2) what do international athletes identify as the most important factor for a successful transition to American college?; (3) how did international athletes hear about athletic opportunities in the United States; (4) what advice would current international athletes give international athletes considering a move to the United States to participate in intercollegiate sport?; and (5) what would the athletes have done had they not played college sports in the United States? The researchers solicited the assistance of CHAMPS/Life Skills coordinators at 15 Division I schools who distributed surveys to student-athletes, who in turn completed the survey, sealed it in an envelope, and returned in to the coordinator. A total of 355 athletes completed the survey, including 192 international athletes. Homesickness and adjustment to the U.S. culture were identified as the most difficult aspects of the university experience for international athletes, while the most important elements to a successful transition for international athletes were a strong support system from teammates and coaches and also from friends and family in their native country. Only one-fourth of respondents learned about athletic opportunities from coaches in the U.S., while one-fourth of the respondents learned about these opportunities from friends, family, and other athletes. The top piece of advice given by respondents was to realize that playing sports in the U.S. will require important traits like focus, dedication, hard work, and persistence in order to succeed. The results of this study highlight the importance of transitioning international athletes into college life. Once international athletes are on campus, a member of the athletic department staff should oversee the athlete’s transition into college life, focused on combating the top three challenges identified in this research: homesickness, adjustment to U.S. culture, and language. This staff member should serve as a liaison between athletic department personnel and other campus resources to facilitate a smooth transition.

**Key Words:** international student-athletes, recruiting, transition to college

### Introduction

Recruiting athletes from outside of the United States is a growing trend in college athletics as international student-athletes play an increasingly prominent role in NCAA competition (6, 9, 22). For coaches, who must recruit talented athletes in order to be successful, “the pressures to win, and the penalties for losing, are exacting. Many Division I coaches’ jobs are predicated on the strength of their programs, causing them to recruit the best talent they can find, in many cases from the international pool” (19, p. 860). Evidence of a worldwide search for talent is found in the 17,653 international student-athletes that competed in NCAA competition during the 2009-10 school year, a large increase from the just under 6,000 that competed a decade prior (11). Among Division I schools, over one-third of the male and female athletes in both tennis and ice hockey, and over one-eighth of male and female golfers, were born outside of the United States (11). In addition to increasing participation numbers, international athletes have dominated in individual sports like tennis and golf, and led teams to championship performances (13, 22). However, international athletes face many challenges in adjusting to the language, coursework, dorm life, food, cultural expectations, coaching, paperwork, and the style of play in the United States. As international athletes continue to leave their mark on NCAA sports, coaches and administrators benefit from understanding what difficulties come with transitioning to life as a student-athlete in the U.S. and how international athletes learn about the recruitment process.

Previous research has examined the adjustment process for both international students and international athletes to college. While researchers have noted that a lack of groups with which to socialize is a problem for many international students (7, 10, 20), international athletes have the advantage of being immediately placed within a team structure (14). However, athletes may still face similar obstacles to a successful transition including culture shock, cultural differences, academic adjustment, homesickness, discrimination, and contentment (5). Ridinger and Pastore (17) were the first to create a model of adjustment for international student-athletes, which included four antecedent factors (personal, interpersonal, perceptual, and cultural distance), and five types of adjustment (academic, social, athletic, personal-emotional, and institutional attachment), resulting in two outcomes (satisfaction and performance) to define successful adjustment to college.

Researchers have also examined the recruitment of international athletes. Not only can coaches create winning programs through the recruitment of international athletes, but coaches can also maintain successful teams with international athletes through the establishment of talent pipelines (3-4, 21). Bale (3) identified talent pipelines in which concentrations of athletes from certain countries were found in particular NCAA institutions, with coaches hoping that friend-to-friend recruiting will result in attracting elite athletes from a particular foreign country. Bale (3) noted that institutions unable to compete for homegrown talent, due to lack of prestige or unattractive campus location, established talent pipelines with a foreign country. For example, a talent pipeline of elite track and field stars from Kenya was found at schools like University of Texas El Paso and Washington State University, and a pipeline of track talent from Nigeria was identified at the University of Missouri and Mississippi State University (3). Talent pipelines are an important recruiting strategy, particularly when coaches are unable to compete for local athletes or local talent is not available for certain sports (21).

This research seeks to provide answers the following questions regarding the recruitment of international student-athletes and their transition to college life: (1) what is the most difficult aspect of the international university experience?; (2) what do international athletes identify as the most important factor for a successful transition to college?; (3) how did international athletes hear about athletic opportunities in the United States; (4) what advice would current international athletes give international athletes considering a move to the United States to participate in intercollegiate sport?; and (5) what would the athletes have done had they not played college sports in the United States?

### Methods

The sample for this study included N = 355 athletes from 15 NCAA Division I institutions, including n = 192 international athletes. Schools selected for this study were based on a need to collect data from purposive clusters of Division I institutions, given certain factors may influence international student-athletes’ experiences at their United States institution such as school size, the size of the community within which the school is located, and the geographic location of a school (3). Seven schools were members of the Football Bowl Series (FBS) conferences, while eight were not. Eleven conferences were represented in the study. Eight schools were located in large metro areas with populations over 400,000, while seven were located in communities with populations under 170,000. Six schools were located in the eastern third of the U.S., six were located in the Midwest, and three were located in the western third of the country.

The researchers solicited the assistance of CHAMPS/Life Skills coordinators from the 15 schools via phone to see if they would agree to participate in the study. The researchers then collected the names of all international student-athletes listed on website rosters. The coordinators were instructed to distribute the surveys to the student-athletes, who in turn completed the survey, sealed it in an envelope, and returned in to the coordinator. Participation in the survey was voluntary and a letter indicating the participant’s rights were included, per the approval obtained by the university Human Subjects Review Committee.

A total of 192 athletes representing 57 countries responded to the survey for a response rate of 39.6%. The top three countries represented were: Canada, 24%; England, 8.3%; and Puerto Rico, 7.8%. Males accounted for 45% of the sample and females accounted for 55%. The responses from the open-ended questions in the International Student-Athlete Survey were content analyzed. Two raters independently examined the data and codes were developed to categorize written responses (18). To test intercoder reliability, the coders independently examined 20% of the sample. The codebook and coding protocol were clearly understood, as the correction for chance agreement (Scott’s Pi) exceeded .8 for all but one question, which yielded an acceptable .77 (23).

In addition to frequency counts for each question, chi square was utilized to examine differences between demographic variables, including: gender, native area of origin (Canada, Europe, South America), length of time in the United States (0-2 years, 2.5 to 3.5 years, 4+ years), type of sport (team or individual), class standing (freshman/sophomore and junior/senior), whether or not the athlete used a campus visit, number of schools considered (0-2, 3+), and whether or not the athletes had a full scholarship.

### Results

Ten variables were identified for the first question, “what is the most difficult aspect of the international university experience?” Homesickness was the most difficult aspect, accounting for 24.1% of all answers, followed by adjusting to the U.S. culture, 20.5%; and adjusting to the language, 14.7%. Table 1 displays all ten coded answers for question 1. In order to examine the difference between various demographic variables through chi square analysis, the ten answers in Table 1 were re-coded into four variables (language and cultural adjustments, homesickness, athletic and academic transitions, financial and logistical difficulties, and other). First, chi square analysis revealed that European athletes were more likely to note language and cultural adjustments as a difficult aspect of the international university experience than non-European athletes (χ2 (4, N = 278) = 12.1, p = .017). Second, Canadian athletes were more likely to identify financial and logistical difficulties than non-Canadian athletes (χ2 (4, N = 278) = 29.8, p = .001). Third, athletes participating in individual sports were more likely to identify language and cultural adjustments as a difficult aspect than athletes on team sports, while athletes participating on team sports were more likely to identify homesickness than athletes on individual sports (χ2 (4, N = 278) = 11.4, p = .023). Finally, freshman/sophomore athletes were more likely to identify language and cultural adjustments than junior/senior athletes (χ2 (4, N = 278) = 11.7, p = .020).

Seven variables were identified for the second question, “what were the most important factors in helping you transition to university life in the United States?” Over one-third of respondents indicated that a strong support system from teammates and coaches on their college team was important, and 20.2% indicated that a strong support system from friends and family in their native county was important. Table 2 displays all seven coded answers from question 2. The answers in Table 2 were re-coded into two variables (support system identified as important, support system not identified as important). First, chi square analysis revealed that athletes from the Carribean/South America were less likely to cite the need for a support system from coaches, family, and friends than athletes not from that area (χ2 (4, N = 267) = 7.3, p = .006). Second, junior/senior athletes were more likely to identify the importance of a support system from coaches, family, or friends than freshman/sophomore athletes (χ2 (4, N = 265) = 6.9, p = .006).

Eight variables were identified for the third question, “How did you first learn about opportunities to earn university sports scholarships in the United States?” One-fourth of the respondents learned about these opportunities from friends, family, or other athletes, while another one-fourth indicated they learned from individuals who had previously participated in U.S. sports. Only 23.9% learned from personnel related to U.S. college sports (i.e. coaches and administrators). Table 3 displays all 8 coded answers from question 3. Chi square analysis revealed that athletes playing team sports obtained information regarding U.S. college sports differently than athletes participating in individual sports. Team sport athletes were more likely to obtain recruiting information from those involved in U.S. college sports (i.e. coaches and recruiters) than individual sport athletes (χ2 (1, N = 180) = 4.4, p = .030). Additionally, athletes participating in individual sports were more likely to learn about scholarship opportunities through personal relationships with family, friends, and athletes, while team sport athletes are more likely to learn about scholarship opportunities through those involved with the institutional sport structure (i.e. coaches, administrators, recruiting services) (χ2 (1, N = 180) = 4.9, p = .02)

In a related question, international athletes were asked to compare the athletic facilities and athletic opportunities in the United States and their home country. The respondents overwhelmingly indicated that both the facilities and opportunities were better in the United States. Only ten percent of the international athletes believed that either the facilities or opportunities in their home country were better than what was available in the United States.

Fourteen variables were identified for the fourth question, “what advice would current international athletes give international athletes considering a move to the United States to participate in intercollegiate sport?” However, only four variables occurred in greater than 7% of the responses. The top piece of advice given by one-fifth of the respondents was to realize that playing sports in the U.S. will require important traits like focus, dedication, hard work, and persistence in order to overcome challenges. Second, 18.9% encouraged prospective international athletes to do adequate research on schools before deciding which school to attend, such as getting to know the coaches, athletes, and athletic facilities. Third, 14.2% recommended making the decision to play in the United States because it was such as an excellent opportunity. Fourth, 11.8% indicated it is important to consider academics and majors that can be used to obtain employment in their native country, meaning it is important to find the best overall fit between academics and athletics when deciding on a school.

Finally, international athletes were asked, “what would you be doing now if you had not had this opportunity to play for an NCAA university?” Responses were categorized by what the athlete would be doing (i.e. working, attending college, playing sports) and where they would be living (i.e. native country, United States), as presented in Table 4. Only seven athletes indicated they would be attending college in the United States, while 105 respondents indicated they would be attending college in their native country and only 33 would have continued to play sports in their native country.

### Discussion

American NCAA Division I universities provide opportunities for elite athletes from outside the U.S. to pursue their university degree while continuing to train and compete at a high athletic level, an opportunity not possible in many other countries. However, international athletes face challenges in adjusting to life as a student-athlete. It should come as little surprise that international athletes felt the most difficult aspects of playing university sport in the U.S. were dealing with homesickness, cultural differences, and language barriers. Many cross-cultural sojourners find themselves dealing with similar issues once the initial excitement of being submerged in a new culture wears off (1, 12). In fact, the greater the cultural distance between the sojourner’s native country and the host nation, the greater the adjustments international athletes would be expected to make (17). As was demonstrated in the results, Canadians, whose native country is culturally quite similar to the U.S., were much less likely to indicate a concern with homesickness, cultural differences, and language barriers (for many Canadians, the language barrier is non-existent). Canadian athletes were much more concerned with financial and travel logistics. The results also indicated that freshman and sophomores struggle with these issues more than experienced athletes in their junior and senior years.

The respondents to the survey revealed two key strategies to overcoming these difficulties and successfully transitioning into life as a student athlete during the first year on campus. First, international athletes indicated the high importance of understanding what international-student athletes are “getting themselves into” before committing to an NCAA school. Advice dispensed by the sample in this study focused on understanding the dedication and commitment required of an NCAA Division I athlete, knowing the differences between schools, coaches, and athletic programs at various universities, and learning which schools and academic programs could offer international athletes the best opportunities back in their home country after their college career is complete.

This strategy aligns with prior research. Craven (8) suggested the more athletes and coaching staffs are prepared and educated about the cultural differences they may experience while submerged in another culture, the easier their transition and adjustment to the new environment will be. In Bale’s work, several of his subjects suggested the U.S. college experience was not what they thought it would be, as over 30% encountered problems with U.S. coaches, nearly 25% had difficulties adjusting to the climate in their new location, and over 20% lacked motivation with academic work (2). When offered the chance to be a varsity athlete at an NCAA Division I school, many international athletes are initially so excited about the opportunity and chance to travel to the United States that the location and environment of the specific school they attend is not a key factor (15-16). As the results of this study indicate, however, current international athletes believe it is important for international student-athlete prospects to consider many issues beyond just an opportunity to compete in the U.S. college system before making the commitment to attend a U.S. university.

The second key factor in transitioning into life as a student-athlete is the development of a support system first built on teammates and coaches, but also built on family and friends back home. It is important for coaches and teammates to understand that international student-athletes identified developing a support system with them as the most important element of a successful transition. It is clear the relationships developed with the people international athletes spend the most time with are a key determinant to a successful transition. Coaches should also ensure international athletes have the technical support to maintain relationships with those at home through various video, chat, and online communication resources.

Another key finding in this study was that most of the respondents would not have moved to the U.S. or continued to participate in sports without the opportunities presented through American intercollegiate sport. One of the attractions of U.S. college sport is access to high quality facilities and abundant opportunities. Results indicated that the respondents felt the athletic facilities and athletic opportunities available to them as an NCAA Division I athlete were superior to their options in their native country. This finding could potentially be skewed as young athletes who did have access to better facilities and opportunities in their homeland may not have considered playing in the U.S. college system. However, this finding has key implications for sport managers outside of the U.S. Administrators of sport clubs in non-U.S. countries may lose elite athletes at the peak of their career as those athletes choose to accept an NCAA scholarship. If such club administrators hope to retain these athletes, they may need to examine the attraction of competing in the U.S. collegiate sport system (namely competitive opportunities and facilities) and attempt to replicate those factors in their native country. More research examining this specific issue is needed.

Finally, one surprising finding from this study is only a quarter of respondents indicated university athletic department staff, such as coaches and administrators, were the key source of information regarding the opportunity to compete in the United States college system. As illustrated in the introduction to this paper, recruiting is arguably the most important element in developing an elite college athletic program and many university athletic departments dedicate a relatively large percentage of their resources towards this endeavor. Yet the recruiting process does not seem to be overly efficient in reaching international prospects. Many of the respondents in this study indicated family, friends, and acquaintances that had competed in the U.S. college system were more important sources of information about playing opportunities at NCAA schools than were the coaches whose job it is to recruit these athletes. This study illustrates the need for coaches to more effectively and efficiently recruit the international landscape.

### Conclusions

American college sports provide an opportunity for athletes from countries outside the U.S. to continue their playing careers and educational training in the United States where high-level athletic facilities and strong competitive opportunities abound. International student-athletes must overcome many challenges and obstacles upon arrival on campus, including homesickness, adapting to the culture, and learning the language. Coaches and teammates play an important role in helping international athletes develop a support system that will assist in the successful transition to a student-athlete. Athletic administrators also play a key role, as discussed in the next section.

### Applications In Sport

Once international athletes are on campus, a member of the athletic department staff should oversee the athlete’s transition into college life, focused on combating the top three challenges identified in this research: homesickness, adjustment to U.S. culture, and language. This staff member should serve as a liaison between athletic department personnel (i.e. CHAMPS Life Skills coordinators, compliance, eligibility, coaches) and other campus resources (i.e. academic advising, international office) to facilitate a smooth transition. The liaison can coordinate paperwork deadlines, information updates, cultural sensitivity training in the athletic department, and any programming that might benefit the international athletes. Such programming could include a peer mentoring program, utilizing transition to college coursework, placing international athletes with experts in teaching the English language, offering open forums for athletes to socialize with athletes from other teams, developing information packets with multicultural resources in the community and university, and establishing relationships with host families in the community (under the supervision of the compliance office). Acquainting athletes with American college life should begin as soon as possible, either on an official visit or having international athletes arrive on campus as early as possible to adjust to the language, culture, food, teammates, and academic expectations. Finally, developing a strong relationship with the international office is important in order to ensure all government paperwork is completely in an accurate and timely fashion.

Finally, in contrast to domestic athletes who take official and unofficial visits and have many other opportunities to develop relationships with coaches who are recruiting them, international athletes rely on their personal support system (i.e. club coaches, former athletes, family, friends) to gather information on U.S. colleges. NCAA coaches must continue to improve their international recruiting connections with former athletes and club coaches because they are still the top source of information about competing in the U.S. college system. If NCAA coaches want to successfully recruit international athletes, they should focus on improving recruiting connections with key members of an athlete’s personal support system. Previous research by Bale (2-4) has established some institutions are able to develop talent pipelines where information about an institution is disseminated by athletes who competed for a particular school in the past.

### References

1. Adler, P. (1975). The transitional experience: An alternative view of culture shock. The Journal of Humanistic Psychology, 15, 13-23.
2. Bale, J. (1987). Alien student-athletes in American higher education: Locational decision making and sojourn abroad. Physical Education Review, 10(2), 81-93.
3. Bale, J. (1991). The brawn drain: Foreign student-athletes in American universities. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
4. Bale, J. (2003). Sports geography (2nd ed.). London: Routledge.
5. Berkowitz, K. (2006). From around the world. Athletic Management, 18(6). Available online at <http://www.athleticmanagement.com/2007/01/15/from_around_the_world/index.php>
6. Brown, G.T. (2004, Dec. 6). Foreign matter: Influx of internationals in college swimming tugs on bond between campus and country. The NCAA News, p. 5.
7. Chapdelaine, R., & Alextich, L. (2004). Social skills difficulty: Model of culture shock for international graduate students. Journal of College Student Development, 45, 167-184.
8. Craven, J. (1994). Cross-cultural impacts of effectiveness in sport. In R.C. Wilcox (Ed.) Sport in the global village, (pp. 433-448). Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology, Inc.
9. Drape, J. (2006, Apr. 11). Foreign pros in college tennis: On top and under scrutiny. The New York Times, p. D1.
10. Furnham, A., & Bochner, S. (1986). Culture shock: Psychological reactions to unfamiliar environments. London: Methuen.
11. NCAA. (2010). 1999-00 – 2009-10 NCAA student-athlete race and ethnicity report. Available online at <http://www.ncaapublications.com/productdownloads/SAEREP11.pdf>
12. Oberg, K. (1960). Cultural shock: Adjustment to new cultural environments. Practical Anthropology, 7, 177-182.
13. Pierce, D., Kaburakis, A., & Fielding, L. (2010). The new amateurs: The National Collegiate Athletic Association’s application of amateurism in a global sports arena. International Journal of Sport Management, 11(2), 304-327.
14. Popp. (2006, September). International student-athlete adjustment to U.S. universities: Testing the Ridinger and Pastore model. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the European Association for Sport Management, Nicosia, Cyprus.
15. Popp, N., Love, A., Kim, S, & Hums, M.A. (2010). International student-athlete adjustment: Examining the antecedent factors of the Ridinger and Pastore theoretical framework model. Journal of Intercollegiate Sport, 3, 163-181.
16. Popp, N., Pierce, D., & Hums, M.A. (in press). A comparison of the college selection process for international and domestic student athletes at NCAA division I universities. Sport Management Review.
17. Ridinger, L. & Pastore, D. (2000). A proposed framework to identify factors associated with international student-athlete adjustment to college. International Journal of Sport Management, 1(1), 4-24.
18. Riffe, D., Lacy, S., & Fico, F. G. (2005). Analyzing media messages: Using quantitative content analysis in research. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
19. Weston, M. A. (2006). Internationalization in college sports: Issues in recruiting, amateurism, and scope, 42 Williamette Law Review 829.
20. Westwood, M., & Barker, M. (1990). Academic achievement and social adaptation among international students: A comparison groups study of the peer-pairing program. International Journal of Intercultural relations, 14, 251-263.
21. Wilson, R. (2008). A Texas team loads up on All-American talent, with no Americans. Chronicle of Higher Education, 54(18), p. A30-A31.
22. Wilson, R., & Wolverton, B. (2008). The new face of college sports. Chronicle of Higher Education, 54(18), p. A27-A29.
23. Wimmer, R., & Dominick, J. (2006). Mass media research: An introduction. Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth.

### Tables

#### Table 1
Most Difficult Aspects of International University Experience

Response Frequency Percent
Homesickness 67 24.1
Adjustment to U.S. culture 57 20.5
Language adjustment 41 14.7
Adjustment to being an athlete 23 8.3
Other 21 7.6
Time management 19 6.8
Academic transition 18 6.5
Financial insecurity or finding a job 15 5.4
Paperwork 12 4.3
Finding transportation 5 1.8
Total 267

Note: Respondents could have multiple answers in their written response

Intercoder Agreement: Scott’s Pi = .89

#### Table 2
Important Factors for Successful Transition to University Life

Response Frequency Percent
Strong support system from teammates and coaches 91 34.1
Strong support system from friends and family back home 54 20.2
Possess of key personality traits (experience, desire, patience, etc.) 49 18.4
Strong support system from academic advisors, tutors, professors, and administrators 25 9.4
Adapting to U.S. culture and the English language 20 7.5
Other 15 5.6
Time management and organization 13 4.9
Total 267

Note: Respondents could have multiple answers in their written response

Intercoder Agreement: Scott’s Pi = .82

#### Table 3
Source of Information Regarding Athletic Opportunity in the United States

Response Frequency Percent
Family, friends, and athletes 45 25
Individuals who had participated in U.S. athletics previously 44 24.4
Coaches and recruiters involved in U.S. college sports 43 23.9
In native country from high school coach or administrator 29 16.1
Personal research 10 5.6
Other 5 2.8
Sport recruitment service 4 2.2
Total 180

Intercoder Agreement: Scott’s Pi = .87

#### Table 4
Life without American College Sports

Working Attending College Playing Sports Total
Native Country 14 105 33 152
Not Specified 9 15 13 37
U.S. 0 7 0 7
Total 23 127 46 196

Intercoder Agreement: Scott’s Pi = .85

### Corresponding Author

Dr. David Pierce
Ball State University
School of Physical Education, Sport, and Exercise Science
Muncie, IN 47306
765-285-2275
<dapierce@bsu.edu>

2013-11-22T22:56:03-06:00January 4th, 2012|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Coaching, Sports Facilities, Sports Management, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off on Qualitative Analysis of International Student-Athlete Perspectives on Recruitment and Transitioning into American College Sport
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Effects of American Football on Height in High School Players

Brian Campbell, Torie Guidry, Matt Lopez, Kristina Estis and David Bellar

### Abstract

The aim of the present study was to investigate height change of high school football players during a single game. Ten high school football players served as participants. The participants were selected according to position and expected playing time. The chosen positions experience the repetitive longitudinal loading of the spine that may lead to a creep response in the vertebral disk. Height was measured using a standard physician beam scale with height rod. A practicing certified athletic trainer served as the tester for all measures (pre – post). A paired samples T-test was performed to determine significance between height before and after the game. A significant difference was shown in height magnitude (Mpre = 176.56±6.9cm, Mpost = 175.81±6.94cm, p = .032). The results indicate that high school football players’ height decreases during the course of a game. This process is likely due to the creep response caused by intermittent high impact compressive loading of the spinal column, as well as low impact continuous compressive forces from equipment weight.

**Key words:** American football, compression, spinal shrinkage, creep response

### Introduction

American football (football) places many physical demands on its participants due to the aggressive nature of the sport. External forces from running, blocking and tackling can cause much stress on the human body. Even with protective equipment such as helmets and pads, these forces are inevitable. During the course of a game, football players may experience substantial longitudinal loading of vertebral column from the compressive forces of running and tackling as well as the continuous load due to equipment mass. This loading of the spine may accelerate the creep response which could result in a decrease in height after a game.

Spinal creep is a process by which continual loading or compressive forces placed upon the spinal column cause a reduction in the vertical size of the intervertebral discs. This creep response is due to the viscoelastic properties of the intervertebral discs of the spinal column, and is also referred to as spinal shrinkage. When compressive loading of the spine exceeds the interstitial osmotic pressure of the discal tissue, water is expelled from the intervertebral discs. This results in a loss of disc height which is reflected as a loss in stature (11). Since the spinal column composes about 40% of total body length, and the intervertebral discs account for roughly one-third of the length of the spinal column (Reilly, 2002), fluid loss from the discs can potentially cause substantial change in stature.

Studies of the intervertebral discs have shown that by narrowing in response to compressive forces, the discs also stiffen, which alters the dynamic response characteristics of the intervertebral disc complex (7). Once the disc has been narrowed and stiffened, its ability to absorb sudden direct and indirect changes in force is reduced, and thus the disc is therefore more susceptible to injury (9), and is often suggested to be a major causal factor of back pain (8). Some of the sports that have the highest risk of these injuries are football, ice hockey, and rugby (1). Within the sport of football it is believed that there is an increase in risk factors associated with spinal creep that may cause many athletes to develop low back pain (5). Because specific spine injuries like fracture, disc herniation, and spondylolysis are more frequent in football players (5), the occurrence of spinal shrinkage during a football game may be greater than other activities.

Studies have investigated spinal shrinkage in various activities ranging from running (4), weight lifting (3) and circuit training (6), but currently there exists a gap in the literature surrounding spinal creep and American football. The compressive loads that can affect the vertebral column include gravity, changes in motion, truncal muscle activity, external forces and external work (13) all factors that can be involved in football. These factors may lead to an accelerated creep response which could result in a decrease in height after a game. In a sport such as football, any minute decrease in stature may mean the difference between blocking a last second field goal, or making a game winning catch. Chronic exposure to these factors may also lead to back pain or injuries to the spine or discs. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to investigate the amount of shrinkage due to spinal loading during a high school football game.

### Methods

#### Participants

Ten high school football players took part in the study. Mean values for height and weight were 176.6±6.9cm and 86.4± 9.5kg, respectively. All players were high school seniors aged 18 years and were selected according to position and expected playing time. The positions chosen were ones that experience the repetitive longitudinal loading of the spine that may lead to a creep response in the vertebral discs. This information was determined after interviewing the coach for the team and from observations made at other similar games. Based on these criteria, eligible (18yr old) players were recruited who started at the following positions: linebackers, running backs, and linemen. Players were also selected who would be likely to play the entire game with very few rest breaks.

#### Apparatus

A standard physician beam scale with height rod was used in this study for measuring changes in stature before and after participation in the game. All measurements were collected by a practicing certified athletic trainer. The apparatus was accurate to within 0.01 inches and all measurements were converted to millimeters.

#### Procedures

The football game used for this experiment was an evening high school football game, which took place after a regular day of school. An evening game was selected to ensure that any shrinkage occurring from normal daily activities would not affect the results of the study. Participants were measured barefoot while standing and wore t-shirt and shorts for both pre-game and post-game measurements. Pre-game measurements were taken prior to warm ups to ensure that starting heights reflected absolutely no football activity. Post-game measurements were taken immediately after completion of the game. Three consecutive measurements were taken each time by the certified athletic trainer to ensure that the apparatus was reliable.

#### Data Analysis

The effects of playing football on changes in stature were analyzed using a paired sample T-test. Post hoc power calculations were performed following any statistically significant finding. Comparisons were made between the pre- and post-game height measurements. All statistical analyses were performed with the use of a modern computer software package (SPSS 17.0 for Macintosh, G*Power 3). Statistical significance was set a priori at an alpha level > 0.05.

### Results

The mean and standard deviation for the pre-game height measurements was 176.6 ± 6.9 cm. Post-game measurements yielded a mean and standard deviation of 175.8 ± 6.9 cm. The results show that there was a significant increase in spinal shrinkage due to participation in a high school football game (p =0.032, power = 0.674). The average height loss for the ten participants was 7.62 (±SD = 9.25) mm.

### Discussion

The present study showed that participation in a high school football game causes measurable height differences before and after the game, the demonstrated mean loss of stature was 7.62mm. It can be assumed that the decrease in height is due to the increased external forces and equipment weight that are involved in the sport. These potentially lead to a rise in the intradiscal pressure and fluid to be expelled, resulting in a reduction in disc height. Though it is logical that loss of intervertebral disc height is responsible for all variations in height, it is also possible that the cartilage in joints and the soft tissue covering the scalp and soles of the feet may have been compressed. However, the total height of the intrajoint cartilage is small and the degree of compression is thought to be negligible (6). The soft tissue covering the scalp is also thin and the height rod of the scale used for measurement would compress the tissue to an insignificant level. The tissue covering the soles of the feet might also be compressed upon standing but it is likely that equilibrium was quickly reached (6). As a result, the measured changes in stature can be considered to reflect only the changes in disc height.

The spinal shrinkage recorded during a football game was greater than what was observed in previous research of other activities. The 7.62 mm decrease in stature in this study was greater than the 3.25 mm decrease during a 6 km run (6), 5.4 mm decrease during circuit-weight training (6), 3.6 mm decrease during weight training (3), and 1.81 mm during a drop jump regimen (2). Although shrinkage during participation in football was greater than other activities, it is not the greatest recorded occurrence of spinal shrinkage. The results of this study are comparable to the 7.8 mm loss in height during a 19 km run (6), and much less than the recorded loss of 11.2 mm during static loading with a 40 kg barbell (14).

A study that examined spinal recovery in pregnant women showed that women with lower back pain were unable to recover from spinal shrinkage to the same extent as women with no lower back pain (12). These findings suggest that lower back pain may be related to the diminished ability to recover, rather than the magnitude of the spinal shrinkage imposed during the task. Since there is believed to be a relationship between football and the development of lower back pain (5), this could suggest that football players may have a diminished ability to recover from spinal compression. This may be provoked by the magnitude and frequency of spinal loading that a football player is subjected to.

The inability of the spine to recover may also lead to serious acute and chronic injuries to the spine and discs. Football is considered to be one of the sports with the highest risks for the occurrence of spinal injuries (1). Many of the spinal injuries that are common in football include fractures, disc herniation, and spondylolysis (5). There may also be a positive correlation between the years of involvement in football and the chances of developing degenerative disc disease (5).

### Conclusions

Based on prior research, it can be assumed that more spinal shrinkage occurs during participation in a football game as compared to other less impactful activities because of a greater spinal load. Football players experience this load on the spine not only from running, but also from the static load from the weight of equipment and from direct impact forces caused by collisions with other players. Both these components, running (6) and static loading of the spine (14), have been found to cause accelerated loss in stature. This combination, along with the collisions during a football game, may be the reason for greater spinal shrinkage.

Although the present study was conducted on high school players, the results should be also consistent with higher levels of play. A previous study was conducted to compare the response to spinal loading between different age groups of males (10). When comparing younger males (18-25 years of age) and older males (47-60 years of age), it was found that regardless of age the pattern of spinal shrinkage between the two groups was similar. Based on this research, high school, college, and professional football players should experience a similar response to spinal loading during a game.

### Applications In Sport

In a game such as football, winning and losing can be a matter of inches. If a player decreases in height at the end of a game, the extra length could be the difference in catching a football, blocking a kick, or batting down a pass. Thus this height difference might be the difference between winning and losing. The degree of hydration may play a role in the extent of the creep effect and should not be overlooked. It may be beneficial to conduct future research on the effects of height decrease on athletic performance. Future research may also investigate if frequent practice of spinal unloading throughout a player’s career can prevent or reduce spinal injuries and back pain.

### References

1. Boden, B., Jarvis, C. (2009). Spinal injuries in sports. Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation Clinics of North America, 20(1), 55-68
2. Boocock, M. G., Garbutt, G., Linge, K., Reilly, T., Troup J. D. (1989). Changes in stature following drop jumping and post-exercise gravity inversion. Medicine and Science in Sports and Exercise, 22(3), 385-390
3. Bourne, N., Reilly, T. (1991). Effects of a weightlifting belt on spinal shrinkage. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 25(4), 209-212
4. Dowzer, C., Reilly, T., Cable, N. (1998). Effects of deep and shallow water running on spinal shrinkage. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 32, 44-48
5. Gerbino, P., d’Hemecourt, P. (2002). Does football cause an increase in degenerative disease of the lumbar spine? Current Sports Medicine Reports, 1(1), 47-51
6. Leatt, P., Reilly, T., Troup J. D. G. (1986). Spinal loading during circuit weight-training and running. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 20(3), 119-124
7. Markolf, K. (1972). Deformation of the thoracolumbar intervertebral joints in response to external loads. The Journal of Bone and Joint Surgery, A, 511-533
8. Nachemson, A. L. (1976). The lumbar spine: an orthopedic challenge. Spine, 1(1), 59-69
9. Perey, O. (1957). Fracture of the vertebral end plate in the lumbar spine: an experimental biomechanical investigation. Acta Orthop Surg Suppl, 25, 1-100
10. Reilly, T., Freeman, K. A. (2006). Effects of loading on spinal shrinkage in males Of different age groups. Applied Ergonomics, 37(3), 305-310
11. Reilly, T., Tyrrell, A., Troup, J. D. G. (1984). Circadian variation in human stature. Chronobiology International, 1, 121-126
12. Rodacki, C. L., Fowler, N. E., Rodacki, A. L., Birch, K. (2003). Stature loss and recovery in pregnant women with and without low back pain. Archives of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, 84(4), 507-512
13. Troup, J. D. G. (1979). Biomechanics of the vertebral column. Physiotherapy, 65(8), 238-244
14. Tyrrell, A., Reilly, T., Troup, J. D. G. (1984). Circadian variation in human stature and the effects of spinal loading. Spine, 10, 161-164

### Figures

#### Figure 1
Percent change in height pre- to post-game among high school athletes participating in American football.

![Figure 1](/files/volume-14/447/figure-1.jpg)

### Corresponding Author

Brian J. Campbell, PhD, ATC
Department of Kinesiology
University of Louisiana at Lafayette
225 Cajundome Blvd.
Lafayette, LA 70506
<campbell@louisiana.edu>
(337) 501-0634

Brian J. Campbell is the Curriculum Coordinator of Exercise Science at the University of Louisiana at Lafayette. Dave Bellar, PhD is the Exercise Physiology Lab Director at the University of Louisiana at Lafayette. Kristina Estis is a Certified Athletic Trainer for Champion Sports Medicine at St. Vincent’s Birmingham. Tori Guidry is an undergraduate student of Exercise Science at the University of Louisiana at Lafayette. Matt Lopez is a DPT student at the University of South Alabama.

2013-11-22T22:56:36-06:00January 3rd, 2012|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Coaching, Sports Exercise Science, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off on Effects of American Football on Height in High School Players
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NCAA Division I Athletics: Amateurism and Exploitation

Anthony W. Miller

### Abstract

In recent days, there has been increased dialogue concerning the topic of compensating college athletes above athletic scholarships. The purpose of this paper was to discuss the NCAA and its member institutions’ exploitation of student-athletes. Amateurism and exploitation were defined and discussed in relation to NCAA Division I athletics. The evolution of intercollegiate athletics and the student-athlete was reviewed in order to better understand the motives for today’s exploitive practices. Using Wertheimer’s two arguments for the exploitation of student-athletes, it was demonstrated some student-athletes are victims of exploitation. However, after examining mutually advantageous exploitation and consensual exploitation, it was determined not all student-athletes are exploited. The NCAA and those responsible for setting student-athlete policy should discuss the implications of these conclusions.

**Key words:** college athletics, NCAA, amateurism, exploitation, student-athletes, athletic scholarships

### Introduction

Last winter, National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) president Mark Emmert was asked by a group of sports media members about the possibility of paying college athletes. Emmert responded, “We can never move to a place where we are paying players to play sports for us” (Garcia, 2010, para. 9). “No, it will not happen – not while I’m president of the NCAA,” he later stated (“NCAA president,” 2011, para. 17). These comments sparked the reoccurring ethical discussion concerning the topic of amateurism and exploitation in college athletics. While many believe as amateurs, college athletes are receiving more than their fair share through athletic scholarships, others argue universities are exploiting their own student-athletes. The questions remain unanswered. Should college athletes be compensated beyond their athletic scholarships, and specifically, are the NCAA and its institutions exploiting student-athletes?

The questions involved in this discussion are unable to be answered with a simple “yes” or “no.” In order to knowledgeably discuss the subject, there first needs to be a foundational understanding of the basic terms of amateurism and exploitation. In addition, the relationship between the two terms and intercollegiate athletics should be clearly defined. A history of the evolution of college sports and the role of student-athletes over the last two centuries must be examined also. The author will attempt to use all of this information to answer several key questions related to the topic of paying college athletes in order to determine if student-athletes are being exploited and, if exploited should they be compensated above their athletic scholarships?

Surprisingly, studies have not demonstrated an overwhelming support for paying student-athletes above their athletic scholarships. Schneider (2001) investigated college students’ perceptions of giving compensation to intercollegiate athletes in addition to the standard grant-in-aids. Of the 458 students (275 males and 183 females from 1 Division 1 athletic conference) surveyed, only a slight majority (54%) of the students believed athletes should receive additional compensation. Nevertheless, it is a subject that has again (even recently) become a hot topic in college athletics.

#### Amateurism and Exploitation in Collegiate Athletics

When it comes to debating whether or not college athletes should be paid, the two most often used terms are amateurism and exploitation. Neither term is new to intercollegiate athletics. Actually, both subjects have been topics of discussion for the NCAA since its inception in the early 1900s (“History,” 2010). Today, these two words drive both sides’ arguments concerning paying and exploiting student-athletes.

##### Amateurism Defined

Simply put, collegiate amateurism refers to the fact the athletes do not receive remuneration for their athletic services. College athletes today are referred to as student-athletes. The governing body of college athletics, the NCAA, views these individuals as students, not as professionals or employees of their member schools. Thus, student-athletes are not currently monetarily compensated (Murphy & Pace, 1994). According to the NCAA, student-athletes’ participation in athletics is just another part of their entire education, not the primary purpose for attending college (Meggyesy, 2000).

Late in the 19th century, college authorities conceived this idea of amateurism in an effort to maintain schools’ educational integrity and middle- and upper- class standing by not technically paying athletes (Flowers, 2009). “A Gentleman never competes for money,” once wrote author Walter Camp (Flowers, 2009, p. 354). As sports’ popularity and revenues increased over the next several years, athletes were given incentives such as free room, board, and tuition. In the middle of the 1900s, the NCAA instituted its key piece of legislation, the Sanity Code, in an attempt to preserve amateur sports while still allowing schools to compensate athletes (Kahn, 2007). By including room, board, and tuition in grant-in-aids (i.e. athletic scholarships), schools were able to reward student-athletes without paying them directly. After the Sanity Code’s establishment of athletic scholarships, the term “amateurism,” not “professionalism,” would be united officially with college athletics (Byers, 1997; Flowers, 2009).

In addition to assigning a fixed amount to athletic scholarships, there are additional ways the NCAA continues to preserve the “amateur” label in collegiate sports. Although the NCAA and the schools reserve the right to use a player’s images and names for commercial purposes, no athlete may be endorsed by or receive any payment from businesses or corporations (Suggs, 2009; Murphy & Pace, 1994). Student-athletes also may not receive financial assistant in addition to their grant-in-aids or be paid for any work with private sports camps related to their sport (Byers, 1997).

##### Exploitation Defined

The biggest issue in the subject of paying college athletes is the idea the NCAA and its member institutions are exploiting student-athletes. Throughout the years, exploitation has been defined countless ways by individuals discussing various topics such as economic, politics, and sports (Wertheimer, 2008). For the discussion involving college athletics, exploitation should be defined as an individual gaining something by taking an unfair advantage of another individual (Wertheimer, 2007).

There are generally two arguments used to demonstrate the exploitation of student-athletes. The first is student-athletes, many of whom are making large amounts of money for their schools, often are not receiving any kind of legitimate, quality education. The second is compensation student-athletes receive in the form of athletic scholarships is not comparable to the marginal revenue products they individually generate for colleges (Wertheimer, 2007; Brown & Jewell, 2004).

Before examining further these two claims, some distinctions must be made. Wertheimer (2008) maintains there are several specific types of exploitation that apply to this discussion. The first, called mutually advantageous exploitation, refers to a situation where both parties, both the one doing the exploiting and the one being exploited, gain from the agreement. The second is referred to as consensual exploitation and involves an instance where individuals who are exploited have given voluntarily consent to the situation prior to the transaction. In situations involving these types of exploitation, it can be argued nothing morally wrong has occurred.

In most circumstances involving exploitation, the issue is not whether exploited individuals are making any gains but rather they are not receiving what they ought to receive. In other words, those being exploited are not getting what is considered fair (Wertheimer, 2008). In the example of the exploitation of student-athletes, the specific issue is “they do not receive an appropriate return on the financial surplus” they create for their universities (Wertheimer, 2007, p. 366).

#### The Evolution of Intercollegiate Sports and the Student-Athlete

The face of intercollegiate athletics has changed drastically in the last two centuries. What started as nothing more than student-organized competitions has turned into what has been described as a “sports entertainment enterprise” (Flowers, 2009; Meggyesy, 2000, p. 25). Students who once went to school only for an education and participated in these kinds of competitions in their free time now often attend these same universities solely for the purpose of participating in sports. In most situations, they end up devoting hundreds of hours to sports-related activities and end up becoming athletes first and students second. The end result is a system that uses students to generate millions of dollars for both the NCAA and its universities.

##### The Origins of Intercollegiate Athletics and the Student-Athlete

Modern intercollegiate athletics have their foundations in intra-collegiate competitions. Sports were largely an unknown on most college campuses until the early 1800s when college students began organizing their own class (e.g. freshman, sophomore, etc.) teams to compete against other classes. The popularity of these different competitions grew over the next 50 years to the point that by the 1850s, universities were forming their own intercollegiate teams. At first, school authorities frowned upon these seemingly frivolous and sometimes violent competitions. But by the late 19th century, American colleges recognized the prestige that came from winning intercollegiate contests and the visibility sports teams provided for the school were too valuable to ignore. As the popularity of intercollegiate sports grew, schools realized they could manufacture additional income by charging spectators admission to events. Prestige, visibility, and money – intercollegiate athletics would now be a permanent fixture on college campuses (Flowers, 2009).

The next conclusion drawn by colleges was obvious, and it shaped intercollegiate athletics into what they are today. How can a school garner more prestige, visibility, and money? Win more games. How can a team win more games? Get the best players. So in an effort to field the best teams, schools began accepting students who never would have been admitted previously to these institutions. In order to lure athletes, colleges started in the 1870s to offer both graduates and undergraduates financial assistance in the form of room and board, jobs, and even small cash considerations in exchange for their athletic services (Flowers, 2009). In response to the “dangerous and exploitive athletics practices of the time,” college authorities joined together in 1906 to form the Intercollegiate Athletic Association of the United States, which would later change its name to the NCAA (“History,” 2010, para. 1). In actuality, this new organization was intended to officially legitimize athletics in higher education and control athlete admission to and distribution amongst colleges (thus hopefully eliminating some of the questionable practices of several schools) (Flowers, 2009; Kahn, 2007).

With sports’ popularity growing and athletic revenues increasing, by the 1940s several schools were unashamedly paying their athletes (Kahn, 2007). Realizing amateur intercollegiate athletics were turning into professional athletics, the NCAA modified its constitution in 1956 to allow schools to offer grant-in-aid to any undergraduate athlete. In addition, the NCAA coined the term “student-athlete” (instead of “employee”) to describe those receiving athletic scholarships (Byers, 1997). The amateur code was officially established, and the student-athlete was born.

##### Modern Intercollegiate Sports and Student-Athletes

The current NCAA Division I intercollegiate sports program has evolved into a multi-billion dollar industry where many of the schools’ annual revenues reach above $260 million (Meggyesy, 2000). In addition to fielding teams in the money-making sports of men’s basketball, football, and ice hockey, schools also run programs for sports such as baseball, lacrosse, softball, soccer, swimming, volleyball, and wrestling (Kahn, 2007). Because these programs are not self-supported, they rely on revenues from the men’s basketball and football programs and often some additional state funding (Suggs, 2009). It is not uncommon for the coaches of Division I teams to earn several hundred thousand to several million dollars every year (Wieberg, 2011).

Researchers and economists who have studied intercollegiate athletics have described today’s NCAA as a cartel (Deschriver & Stotlar, 1996; Zimbalist, 2001). A cartel is defined as a joint group of members who create policies in order to promote the mutual interests of the members (Kahn, 2007). Koch (1983) argued the NCAA’s cartel behavior is manifested when it regulates the means of acquiring athletes, puts a fixed value on the amount given to student-athletes, controls the rights to televising athletic events, periodically distributes its profits to members, and enforces policy on its members. According to the NCAA, all of this is done in an effort to create equal opportunity for monetary profit, athlete distribution, and athletic success (Kahn, 2007; Koch, 1983).

The NCAA itself, a non-profit educational organization with 270 employees, has an annual budget of $32 million (Meggyesy, 2000). Each year, it distributes over $500 million to its member schools (Suggs, 2009). Nearly all of the money is collected from revenue generated by men’s basketball and football, specifically the television rights to men’s college basketball’s March Madness and football’s Bowl Championship Series. Just this past year, the NCAA signed a 14-year, $10.8 billion contract with CBS and Turner Sports to have the exclusive rights to show the men’s college basketball tournament (Wieberg, 2011).

History has demonstrated today’s universities recruit student-athletes for the purpose of helping sports teams achieve success on the playing field and thereby increase the school’s prestige and overall revenue. Using financial records from NCAA Division I-A universities as well as NFL and NBA draft data from 1995-1998, Brown and Jewell (2004) estimated a draft-quality college football player earns $406,000 in revenue annually for his school, while a college basketball player earns $1.194 million. Schools today treat student-athletes as more than just typical students (Suggs, 2009). They are given academic assistance, game tickets, clothing and equipment, medical treatment, weight and conditioning training, and money towards room, board, and tuition. A recent analysis by USA TODAY determined the average NCAA Division I men’s basketball player receives at least $120,000 in goods and services each year (Weiner & Berkowitz, 2011). But while these athletes are not living in poverty, the question still remains. Are student-athletes being exploited?

#### Are Today’s Student-Athletes Truly Exploited?

The 2011-2012 NCAA Manual states the mission of the NCAA is to protect student-athletes “from exploitation by professionalism and commercial enterprises” (2011, p. 4). Many would contend the NCAA itself is responsible for exploiting student-athletes. Their proof would hinge on the two previously mentioned arguments that many of these students are receiving neither a legitimate education nor fair compensation for their athletic services (Wertheimer, 2007). In addition to considering Wertheimer’s two arguments, the terms mutually advantageous exploitation and consensual exploitation also factor into this discussion.

##### Wertheimer’s First Argument

Universities’ educational practices are quickly called into question when college players make comments similar to the one made by University of Connecticut men’s basketball’s Kemba Walker. While being questioned this past March about his schooling, the junior basketball star said, “[Forty Million Dollar Slaves: The Rise, Fall, and Redemption of the Black Athlete] is the first book I’ve ever read” (Layden, 2011, para. 26). Often, there are times when athletes are put into either easier courses or courses whose professors are known to like student-athletes so athletes are able to achieve and receive higher grades (Zimbalist, 2001). In these situations, the argument is student-athletes (B) are being exploited by schools (A) because A is profiting thousands, sometimes millions, from B’s efforts while B is receiving nothing of lasting significance (i.e. a quality education) (Wertheimer, 2007).

In response to this argument, the question is whether student-athletes are forced into these positions. It should be determined if student-athletes are required to attend educational institutions with weak or questionable academics. The best schools are not available to everyone. Some athletes are only recruited by schools with poor academic records. Although players are not forced to attend one of those schools, some are financially unable to attend college without the help of an athletic scholarship. A student-athlete under such circumstances would be considered a victim of exploitation. As for an athlete who has his choice of the best schools and still selects a poor academic institution, it has been argued that although he was not coerced into attending a particular school, a teenager should not be expected to choose a school based on whether or not that school will provide him with quality educational opportunities. In this situation, a case for exploitation could also be made (Wertheimer, 2007).

It also must be determined if student-athletes are forced into classes or majors which result in them not receiving a quality education. Of course there are always the “low-ability” level students who struggle academically and really have little chance of ever receiving a college education (Wertheimer, 2007, p.369). However, there are situations where some students do not achieve academic success or graduate simply because they fail to give enough effort in their academics. In these specific examples, an argument for the exploitation of the low-ability student-athletes could be made, but it would be harder for this same argument to apply to student-athletes who do not make an effort academically.

##### Wertheimer’s Second Argument

The second exploitation argument is universities (A) are exploiting student-athletes (B) due to the fact B is not receiving fair compensation in relation to B’s generated surplus. This argument is harder to make because of the difficulty in determining the surpluses of NCAA Division I schools. According to NCAA president Mark Emmert, only 14 out of over 1,150 schools finished the 2009-2010 school year with a financial surplus (Garcia, 2010). But any surplus generated by colleges’ football and basketball programs are used to pay for coaching salaries, academic counselor salaries, and athletic facility renovations. In most circumstances, a portion of the money subsidizes schools’ other intercollegiate sports programs (Wertheimer, 2007; Suggs, 2009). Subsequently, very few schools show a surplus in the end.

In addition to the difficulty in determining universities’ financial surpluses, it is equally difficult determining nonfinancial surpluses. Dating back to the beginnings of intercollegiate athletics, the primary purpose for having these types of sports programs was the prestige and visibility they provided for colleges. Today’s winning sports teams are given hundreds of hours of media attention and television coverage. It is impossible to put a monetary value on the advertisement which each intercollegiate team or each student-athlete is creating for colleges (Wertheimer, 2007).

The answer to this question lies in determining what fair compensation is. At first glance, a $10-40,000 a year education in return for generating $400,000-$1.2 million seems anything but fair (Zimbalist, 2001; Brown & Jewell, 2004). But a teenager with no prior professional experience who receives the equivalent of $120,000 a year is uncommon in other professions. When asked about fair compensation for college athletes, Butler University men’s basketball player Matt Howard replied, “Forty thousand dollars-plus a year to play, that’s a pretty good salary for an 18-year-old who has no college education” (Weiner & Berkowitz, 2011, para. 6).

Determining what is fair becomes even more difficult when considering other situations. First, if athletes are exploited only when they do not receive fair compensation for the surplus they themselves create, then this means only a portion of a school’s student-athletes (in most cases, only football and basketball players) are being exploited and should receive compensation. Is it fair for the volleyball, baseball, and soccer players not to be paid while their fellow schoolmates, the male football and basketball players, are paid? After all, athletes in nonsurplus sports put in the same amount of time and effort into competing for their schools as do athletes in surplus sports. It is no fault of the athletes whose programs are not as popular in American culture as other programs (Wertheimer, 2007). Murphy and Pace (1994) replied to this particular argument with an example from the professional world. In business, do all members of a company’s team receive the same compensation? Is a secretary who works the same number of hours and works just as hard as the boss paid a similar wage? Of course, the answer is no.

Second, if colleges were to pay athletes, any surplus created by those programs would be used to compensate the athletes. Consequentially, many of the non-revenue generating programs would not have adequate funding to continue. Is it fair to those athletes to deprive them of an opportunity to compete collegiately and, for those who would be unable to financially afford school, an opportunity for a college education? On the other hand, requiring universities to use revenues to pay athletes may force schools to cut down some of the exorbitant salaries paid to some Division I coaches and other athletic department employees.

##### A Case for Mutually Advantageous and Consensual Exploitation

In this discussion concerning the exploitation of student-athletes, a case can be made for both mutually advantageous exploitation and consensual exploitation. Mutually advantageous exploitation occurs when A gains from B and B gains from A, leaving both parties in a better position than before the transaction (Wertheimer, 2008). Take, for example, a star high school basketball player from a low-income family who is recruited and signed by a renowned academic institution. He competes four years for that school. Along the way, he helps his team win over 100 games, reach 2 Final Fours, and win a national championship. After 4 years of education (worth a total of approximately $160,000) and instruction from one of the best coaches in the nation, he graduates with a college degree, is named as a NCAA All-American, and one month later is selected in the NBA Draft. Over the next 7 years, the former student-athlete signs 3 NBA contracts worth over $28 million, thanks in large part to the coaching he received while in college. In this example, both parties made gains which left them better off. It could be argued, therefore, no wrongful exploitation took place.

In other examples, athletes have been known to become student-athletes for the sole purpose of receiving expert instruction, media exposure, and training. As a result of those benefits, their future earning power increased (Kahn, 2007). Many of these elite athletes stay in college for only the required amount of time and then leave to become professionals. Again in such situations, both the athletes and the schools have entered into agreements which benefit both groups. Nothing morally wrong has occurred.

When an individual volunteers or gives informed consent to a transaction, it is referred to as consensual exploitation (Wertheimer, 2008). Prior to the start of a student-athlete’s collegiate career, the individual must agree to sign several eligibility forms. One of those forms is the NCAA Student-Athlete Form 10-3a (2010) that reads, “You affirm that you meet the NCAA regulations for student-athletes regarding eligibility, recruitment, financial aid, amateur status and involvement in gambling activities” (p. 2). A separate read and sign section of the same document states:

> You authorize the NCAA [or a third party acting on behalf of the NCAA (e.g., host institution, conference, local organizing committee)] to use your name or picture in accordance with Bylaw 12.5 including to promote NCAA championships or other NCAA events, activities or programs. (p. 4)

The NCAA is not attempting to deceive individuals by having student-athletes sign confusing forms so then the schools can make money off the athletes. Instead, they are presenting a clear, understandable agreement that essentially says, “In order to participate in intercollegiate athletics, you must abide by these terms.” Players must sign the agreement to become student-athletes, but no athlete is forced to sign the NCAA Student-Athlete Form.

There is a common perception athletes are required to attend college in order to become eligible for the professional ranks. This is not the case. The current NBA Draft eligibility rules state a player must be 19 years of age, and 1 year must have elapsed since the player’s graduation from high school (“Article X,” 2009). In the NFL, a player must be out of school for three years before he is eligible for the draft (“NFL Collective Bargaining Agreement,” 2006). In baseball, Major League Baseball teams can draft any player who has graduated from high school, while anyone in hockey who is 19 or older is eligible for the NHL Draft (“First-year Player,” n.d.; “Hockey Operations,” n.d.). Neither athletes of surplus sports nor those participating in nonsurplus sports are required to attend college in order to be drafted into professional sports. In most circumstances, the visibility which comes from playing for prominent sports programs causes most athletes to choose to attend college.

### Conclusions

Even after knowing all the facts, the questions related to paying college athletes and the exploitation of student-athletes are difficult to answer. However, there is no doubt the current model for compensating college athletes is ethically questionable at best. If this were not the case, then President Emmert would not continue to make statements suggesting the necessity of exploring ways to increase the financial assistance given to student-athletes (Wieberg, 2011). Just last week, several NCAA conference commissioners began discussing ways to compensate their athletes above athletic scholarships. Conference USA commissioner Britton Banowsky said, “Unless the student-athletes in the revenue-producing sports get more of the pie, the model will eventually break down… [I]t is only a matter of time” (Schad, 2011, para. 3). When the current model does break down, the NCAA’s members will be forced to consider the topic of student-athletes’ exploitation prior to establishing a new model.
Going forward, the NCAA and its member institutions must address several ethical situations in order to avoid the continued exploitation of student-athletes. The first step is re-defining amateurism in college athletics. Currently, intercollegiate sports are amateur in name only (a practice continued today by colleges in an effort to avoid providing workers’ compensation and to continue eligibility for tax exemption status) (Haden, 2001; Murphy & Pace, 1994). The second step is deciding whom to pay. If it is determined only scholarship athletes in revenue-producing programs (i.e. basketball, football, and ice hockey) should be compensated, then the NCAA will have to be prepared to justify excluding some athletes, including the non-scholarship basketball, football, and hockey players (Murphy & Pace, 1994). Due to Title IX, which mandates equitable opportunities and benefits for women competitors, there is a possibility schools would be required eventually to extend remuneration to other student-athletes (Francis, 1993). The third step is determining what fair compensation is for student-athletes, a difficult task based on the information mentioned previously. The final step is choosing where to get the money to pay athletes.
Deciding where to get additional money opens the door to a vast array of ethical questions. Should the money made by men’s basketball and football be used to fund other athletic programs? Instead, should the money be used to pay the basketball and football players only? Will Title IX allow for only a portion of a school’s athletes to be paid? Are college coaches overpaid, or are their large paychecks justified by the prestige, visibility, and money they are helping to generate for their schools? If smaller schools are lacking the funds required to pay student-athletes, is it fair to raise regular students’ tuition prices to help cover costs (Schneider, 2001)? These are just a few of the questions which will have to be addressed.
Determining which student-athletes are being exploited is a difficult task. What is clear is both the NCAA’s current amateur rules and the questionable educational practices of some schools make it more likely for students-athletes to be exploited (Murphy & Pace, 1994). Deciding how to compensate student-athletes more fairly could potentially result in completely restructuring intercollegiate athletics. If the NCAA and its member schools truly desires to protect their student-athletes “from exploitation by professional and commercial enterprises,” then they will be forced to reexamine their own practices (2010-2011 NCAA Manual, 2010, p. 4).

### Applications In Sport

The topic of paying college athletes is one of, if not the most debated issues in collegiate athletics. Understanding the terms of amateurism and exploitation, a history of intercollegiate athletics, and how student-athletes are possibly being exploited may assist in helping to decide if NCAA student-athletes should be compensated above athletic scholarships.

### References

1. 2011-2012 NCAA Manual. (2011). Retrieved from <http://www.ncaapublications.com/productdownloads/D112.pdf>
2. Article X: Player eligibility and NBA Draft. (2009). Retrieved from <http://www.nbpa.org/sites/default/files/ARTICLE%20X.pdf>
3. Brown, R. W., & Jewell, T. (2004). Measuring marginal revenue product in college athletics: Updated estimates. In J. Fizel & R. Fort (Eds.), Economics of college sports (pp. 153-162). Westport, CT: Praeger.
4. Byers, W. (1997). Unsportsmanlike conduct: Exploiting college athletes. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press.
5. Deschriver, T. D., & Stotlar, D. K. (1996). An economic analysis of cartel behavior within the NCAA. Journal of Sport Management, 10(4), 388-400.
6. First-year player draft rules. (n.d.). Retrieved from <http://mlb.mlb.com/mlb/draftday/rules.jsp>
7. Flowers, R. D. (2009). Institutionalized hypocrisy: The myth of intercollegiate athletics. American Educational History Journal, 36(2), 343-360.
8. Francis, L. P. (1993). Title IX: Equality for women’s sports?. Journal of the Philosophy of Sport, 20/21(1), 32-47.
9. Garcia, M. (2010, December 15). NCAA president: We can never get to place where athletes are paid. USA Today. Retrieved from <http://www.usatoday.com/sports/college/2010-12-15-mark-emmert-ncaa-pay_N.htm?csp=ip>
10. Haden, C. W. (2001). Foul! The exploitation of the student-athlete: Student-athletes deserve compensation for their play in the college athletic arena. Journal of Law and Education, 30(4), 673-681.
11. History. (2010). Retrieved from <http://www.ncaa.org/wps/wcm/connect/public/NCAA/About+the+NCAA/Who+We+Are/About+the+NCAA+history>
12. Hockey operations guidelines. (n.d.) Retrieved from <http://www.nhl.com/ice/page.htm?id=26377>
13. Kahn, L. (2007). Markets: Cartel behavior and amateurism in college sports. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 21(1), 209-226. doi:10.1257/jep.21.1.209
14. Koch, J. V. (1983). Intercollegiate athletics: An economic explanation. Social Science Quarterly (University of Texas Press), 64(2), 360-374.
15. Layden, T. (2011, April 11). UConn’s drive to survive. Sports Illustrated. Retrieved from <http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/vault/article/magazine/MAG1184204/index.htm>
16. Meggyesy, D. (2000). Athletes in big-time college sport. Society, 37(3), 24-28.
17. Murphy, S., & Pace, J. (1994). A plan for compensating student-athletes. Brigham Young University Education & Law Journal, (1), 167-186.
18. NCAA president: Pay-for-play won’t happen under his watch. (2011). USA Today. Retrieved from <http://www.usatoday.com/sports/college/2011-02-13-ncaa-emmert_N.htm>
19. NCAA Student-Athlete Form 10-3a. (2010). Retrieved from <http://fs.ncaa.org/Docs/AMA/compliance_forms/DI/DI%20Form%20XX-3a.pdf>
20. NFL Collective Bargaining Agreement 2006. (2006). Retrieved from <http://images.nflplayers.com/mediaResources/files/PDFs/General/NFL%20COLLECTIVE%20BARGAINING%20AGREEMENT%202006%20-%202012.pdf>
21. Schad, J. (2011, May 19). Power brokers discuss paying NCAA athletes. ESPN. Retrieved from <http://sports.espn.go.com/ncaa/news/story?id=6566975>
22. Schneider, R. G. (2001). College students’ perceptions on the payment of intercollegiate student-athletes. College Student Journal, 35(2), 232-241.
23. Suggs, W. (2009). Old challenges and new opportunities for studying the financial aspects of intercollegiate athletics. New Directions for Higher Education, (148), 11-22. doi:10.1002/he.364
24. Wieberg, S. (2011, March 30). NCAA president: Time to discuss players getting sliver of revenue pie. USA Today. Retrieved from <http://www.usatoday.com/sports/college/mensbasketball/2011-03-29-ncaa-pay-for-play-final-four_N.htm?sms_ss=gmail&at_xt=4d93d876081f62dd,0%22#>
25. Wertheimer, A. (2007). The exploitation of student athletes. In W. J. Morgan (Ed.), Ethics in sport (pp. 365-377). Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.
26. Wertheimer, A. (2008). Exploitation. In E. N. Zalta (Ed.), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved from <http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/exploitation/>
27. Weiner, J., & Berkowitz, S. (2011, March 30). USA Today analysis finds $120k value in men’s basketball scholarship. USA Today. Retrieved from <http://www.usatoday.com/sports/college/mensbasketball/2011-03-29-scholarship-worth-final-four_N.htm>
28. Zimbalist, A. S. (2001). Unpaid professionals: Commercialism and conflict in big-time college sports. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

### Corresponding Author

Anthony W. Miller, MEd
4 Amity Lane
Greenville, SC 29609
<awmiller@students.ussa.edu>
864-906-2548

Anthony W. Miller is a doctoral candidate at the United States Sports Academy. He is also a faculty member of Bob Jones University.

2016-04-01T09:31:59-05:00January 3rd, 2012|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Facilities, Sports Management|Comments Off on NCAA Division I Athletics: Amateurism and Exploitation
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Black Women “DO” Workout!

Sherldine Tomlinson

### Abstract

Many studies cite that women of African descent have lower physical activity levels and/or are more sedentary, than White counterparts. The lack of exercise among Black women results in them experiencing compromised life quality and reduced life expectancy. To combat the striking rates of cardiovascular-related diseases and to increase habitual exercise, health promotion interventions have been initiated designed for Black populations. Female participants in Project Joy, a church-based cardiovascular education programme, reported weight loss and lower blood pressure. This paper reviews a similar initiative; Black Women “DO” Workout! (BWDW), which makes innovative use of social media to encourage physical activity (PA) among Black women.

**Key Words:** women of African descent; exercise; social media

### Introduction

Numerous studies indicate that women of African descent have lower physical activity levels, and/or are more sedentary, than their White counterparts. A 2006 national health survey on physical activity levels in Canada found that when compared to Caucasian Canadian females, both African Canadian and South Asian Canadian women less moderately active (Bryan, Tremblay, Pérez, Ardern & Katzmarzyk, 2004). In a similar American study looking at Black, White, Hispanic and Asian women, the data revealed that only 8.4% of African American women completed the recommended level of regular physical activity (Eyler, Matson-Koffman, Young, Wilcox, Wilbur, Thompson, Sanderson & Evenson, 2003). Unfortunately, this lack of exercise participation among Black women contributes to a significantly increased health risk of cardiovascular-related complications such as hypertension, type 2 diabetes and obesity (Flegal, Carroll, Ogden & Curtin, 2010). A lack of active activities also results in Black women experiencing compromised life quality and reduced life expectancy.

In an effort to combat these striking rates of cardiovascular-related diseases and complications among women of African descent, and to increase their habitual exercise involvement, a number of health promotion interventions have been initiated across North America. These include offerings of free exercise sessions especially designed for Black populations. Evaluative studies of these types of exercise programmes suggest they produce appreciably positive outcomes. The female participants in Project Joy, for instance, an African American church-based cardiovascular education programme, reported weight loss and improvement in blood pressure after participating in the included exercise sessions (Jakicic, Lang & Wing, 2010). This paper reviews a similar programme, Black Women “DO” Workout! (BWDW), which makes innovative use of social media to encourage exercise among women of African descent.

The BWDW initiative was created and founded by Crystal Adell, a fitness enthusiast and personal trainer. Adell uses Facebook as a tool to encourage regular exercise participation among African American women. She describes BWDW as a grassroots movement for championing weight loss and healthy living, a crusade she says is much needed to address the sobering statistics that show 49% of African American women are obese, while approximately 66% are overweight (US Dept of Health and Human Services 2000). Adell notes that using Facebook, which allows her to facilitate communication between Black women, is her “personal attempt to work with a collective who are more than willing to share their fitness goals, services and lifestyle changes towards healthier living”(personal communication, 2010). Information included on the site covers topics from exercising, body image, healthy eating habits and eating disorders to the importance of fitness and nutrition during pregnancy. Adell suggests that the success of BWDW is based on “information sharing and by showing praise, encouragement, inspiration and support in the way of sisterhood and by championing individuals for their fitness goals, which ultimately keep others motivated in to want to do the same”(C. Adell, personal communication, 2010).

There is little doubt that BWDW is a success. Thus far the site boasts more than 85,000 members, mainly women of African descent, many of whom regularly visit and post to the site. While African American women make up the largest block of BWDW users, the site also attracts international members from Canada, England, African and the Caribbean. Launching an online social media page as a means to promote exercise adherence and encourage healthy lifestyles among Black women is clearly a new, unique and successful approach. In addition to being innovative, the strategy is also in accordance with the American Healthy People 2010 mandate to (1) increase quality and years of healthy life and (2) eliminate health disparities that are associated with race, ethnicity and social economic status (US Dept of Health and Human Services 2000). One of Healthy 2010 physical activity and fitness objectives is to increase physical activity levels among Africa Americans as disparities in exercise and/or physical activity levels continue to exist with this group and other populations including Hispanics, the elders and people with disabilities (US Dept of Health and Human Services 2000). Indeed, the Black Women “Do” Workout social media campaign offers the opportunity for women of African descent to make regular exercise and a healthy lifestyle a part of their daily routine.

The BWDW web page is attractive, functional, and perhaps most importantly, interactive. Members are encouraged to participate through such means as submitting healthy recipes to the ‘Chef de Cuisine’ e-cookbook and posting images to the photo album which showcases before and after pictures. There are also announcements about the monthly BWDW ‘meet-ups’ held in locations across the United States for women who want to connect in person, as well as a service that informs members about personal trainers available in their area of the country. And the site has become a space of promotion for several members who now compete in fitness and body building competitions after experiencing significant body transformations via exercise and through healthy eating. In addition, a range of BWDW merchandise are available for sale on the site.

Health policy makers and promoters across North America have acknowledged the need for a better understanding of Black women’s exercise behaviour as a basis for improving their traditionally low physical activity rates. The BWDW programme offers an opportunity for those in the health field to learn from, and about, Black women and provides a potential avenue for the dissemination of health information. Adell herself notes these opportunities, commenting that she would like to see collaboration between BWDW and “organisations like the American Heart Association, Go Red For Women, the African American churches and corporate organisations” (C. Adell, personal communication, 2010). She believes these kinds of partnerships “will allow for an enhancement of services to local African American areas and communities that statistically have a high demand for wellness, health and fitness related support” (C. Adell, personal communication, 2010).

The BWDW programme presents a best practises model for building supportive and effective health networks within communities of African descent. The site has proven to be a powerful tool for increasing exercise rates and thus helping to address the troubling prevalence of cardiovascular-related and other diseases that continue to plague women of African descent. It is hoped the BWDW programme will inspire ongoing dialogue about finding other effective means of supporting Black women to become active, whether via other social media software, or in more traditional in-person venues.

### References

1. Adell, C. (November 2010). Telephone interview with author.
2. Bryan, S.N., Tremblay, M.S., Pérez ,C.E,, Ardern, C.I., Katzmarzyk, P.T. (2006, Jul/Aug). Physical Activity and Ethnicity: Evidence from the Canadian Community Health Survey. Can J Public Health. 2006 Jul-Aug; 97(4):271-6.
3. Eyler, A.A., Matson-Koffman, D., Young, D.R., Wilcox, S., Wilbur, J., Thompson, J.L., Sanderson, B., Evenson, K.R. Quantitative study of correlates of physical activity in women from diverse racial/ethnic groups: The Women’s Cardiovascular Health Network Project–summary and conclusions Am J Prev Med. 2003 Oct;25(3 Suppl 1):93-103.
4. Flegal, K.M., Carroll, M.D., Ogden, C.L., Curtin, L.R. Prevalence and Trends in Obesity Among US Adults, 1999–2008. JAMA. 2010 Jan 20; 303(3):235-41.
5. Jakicic, J.M., Lang, W., Wing, R.R. Do African-American and Caucasian overweight women differ in oxygen consumption during fixed periods of exercise? Int J Obes Relat Metab Disord. 2001 Jul; 25(7):949-53.
6. US Dept of Health and Human Services. Healthy People 2010: Understanding and Improving Health. 2000 Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.

### Corresponding Author

Sherldine Tomlinson, MSc.
2-440 Silverstone Drive,
Toronto, Ontario,
M9V 3K8,
<srtomlinson@students.ussa.edu>
416 749-7723

2013-11-22T22:58:08-06:00January 3rd, 2012|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Exercise Science, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology, Women and Sports|Comments Off on Black Women “DO” Workout!
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Effects of Augmented Visual Feedback and Stability Level on Standing Balance Performance using the Biodex Balance System

Steven F. Pugh; Robert J. Heitman, John E. Kovaleski; Chris M. Keshock; Shelley H. Bradford. University of South Alabama, Mobile, Alabama

### Abstract

This study compared the effects of visual feedback and stability level on standing balance performance using the Biodex Balance System. The analysis was performed on a 2 x 2 factorial design for the purpose of testing the main effects of the type of feedback (augmented visual feedback or none) and balance condition (less stable – Biodex level 2 or more stable – Biodex level 7). Four randomly assigned groups performed nine 20-second dynamic balance trials at stability level 2 or at level 7, depending on group assignment. The dependent variable was the mean stability index calculated as an average of the nine 20-seconds trials. A significant feedback by stability level interaction was found (P = .04). At stability level 7, augmented visual feedback mean stability index scores were better when compared to no augmented visual feedback (P < .001). No significant differences were found at stabilty level 2. Our data indicate that when balancing on a Biodex Balance System, as the degree of difficulty increases the effect of concurrent augmented visual-feedback is reduced.

**Key words:** balance, visual feedback, posture, augmented

### Introduction

Dynamic balance is critical for the acquisition and execution of motor skills. Balance training is used for injury rehabilitation, fall reduction, and sport and motor skill development. One commercial device used to quantify the degree of dynamic balance is the Biodex Balance System (4). The Biodex Balance System is an instrumented device that allows the tilting of a circular flat platform. The degrees of tilt from horizontal are measured and used to calculate an overall stability index (1). This index is a quantitative estimate used for the evaluation of an individual’s neuromuscular control as it pertains to the ability to maintain postural stability on an unstable surface (4).

One feature unique to the Biodex Balance System is that the stability of the balance platform can be increased or decreased, thus enabling control of the level of difficulty of the standing balance task. Biodex platform stability levels range from 1 to 8, with 8 being the most stable or least difficult to perform. Another feature of the Biodex Balance System is an attached LCD monitor that provides augmented visual feedback. The monitor provides information, via a screen tracing, concerning the subject’s ability to balance on the platform as the subject tries to maintain the cursor in the middle of the screen’s grid (4).

#### Theoretical Rationale

We were unable to find studies that compared the efficacy of augmented visual feedback at different levels of balance difficulty. As the stabilometer platform becomes less stable and thus more difficult, the ability to effectively process both intrinsic and augmented visual feedback may become increasingly difficult. This would be caused by a decrease in the amount of time available to process feedback information while balancing (11). The increase in time constraints as balance difficulty increases may also bring about a change in the type of motor control strategy used, i.e., open versus closed loop. During open looped motor control, the movement is executed entirely by the motor program without the use of sensory feedback (5,6). During closed looped motor control, an initial command is sent to the muscles which start the movement. The actual execution of closed loop movements, then, depends on sensory feedback which is used to monitor the movement (6). As the balance task becomes increasingly difficult, information processing demands may be increased because of the greater number and rate of balance adjustments that must be monitored. The less stable platform also brings about the rapid initiation of postural responses which limits the effectiveness of feedback mechanisms because of the inherent time delays (11). Horack and Nashner (1986) suggests that rapid postural actions are organized by a limited repertoire of open looped motor programs which do not require feedback for execution. Open looped strategies simplify the process of complex movement by incorporating knowledge of past experiences into motor programs enabling anticipation of events and reducing reliance on the slower feedback mediated responses associated with closed looped monitoring (6).
The purpose of this study was to determine the effects of concurrent augmented visual feedback and balance condition on standing balance performance using the Biodex Balance System. We postulate that concurrent augmented visual feedback will not be as effective at the less stable condition (Biodex stability level 2) when compared to the more stable condition (Biodex stability level 7). This hypothesized difference in the effects of visual feedback at the different levels of stability will be demonstrated in the form of a feedback by stability level statistical interaction.

### Methods

#### Participants

Forty healthy, male university students (age = 21.4 ± 3.6 years, mass = 70.3 ± 14.3 kg, height = 170 ± 3.1 cm) volunteered to participate in this study. No participants reported any sensory impairment or physical injury that hindered performance of the balance task, nor did any of the participants have previous experience with balance training on the Biodex Balance System. The study was approved by the university’s institutional review board, and informed consent was obtained from each individual before testing.

#### Instrumentation

The Biodex Stability System 945-300 (Biodex Medical Systems; Shirely, New York) was used to quantify bilateral standing balance (4). The system consists of a multi-axial tilting platform interfaced with a computer which records and calculates stability indices of standing balance. The platform stability can be varied by adjusting the resistance applied to the platform via one of 8 stability settings controlled by the system’s microprocessor-based actuator (14). Setting 1 represents the least stable platform and setting 8 the greatest platform stability. An 11.5 x 8.5 cm LCD display screen, located at eye level, provides visual feedback via a circular grid that visually shows a cursor tracing of the subject’s stability performance. The goal of dynamic balance testing on the Biodex Balance System during the augmented visual feedback condition is for the subject to maintain the cursor on the center of the circular grid for as long as possible during the test trial (8). During the no augmented visual feedback condition the goal was to keep the balance platform in a horizontal position while focusing straight ahead on a covered LCD screen. The Biodex Balance System has been shown to have high reliability.(8,14).

#### Procedures

Four randomly assigned groups with ten subjects in each group performed nine 20-second dynamic balance trials. The platform balance task required the subject to stand barefooted in a comfortable upright position with feet shoulder width apart with arms at sides. Groups 1 and 3 received augmented visual feedback during the balance task, while groups 2 and 4 received no augmented visual feedback. During the augmented visual feedback trials, the subject was instructed to keep the cursor directly in the middle of the screen while balancing on the platform. Group 1 performed the balance task at platform stability level 2 with augmented visual feedback. Group 2 performed at stability level 2 with no augmented visual feedback, which involved the subject performing the balance task while focusing straight ahead on a covered screen. Group 3 performed the balance task at stability level 7 with identical augmented visual feedback as used with group 1. Group 4 performed at stability level 7 with no augmented visual feedback which involved performing the balance task while focusing on a covered screen.

A familiarization session was conducted in which the participants were introduced to the testing protocol. Four 20-second practice trials were performed either at stability level 2 or at level 7, depending on group assignment. A 20-second rest period was allowed between trials. Participants assigned to the augmented vision condition practiced the balance task while being allowed to watch the balance tracing on the screen. Participants assigned to the no visual feedback condition practiced the balance task while viewing a covered screen.

Prior to the data acquisition trials, all subjects achieved a stable upright stance by positioning their feet shoulder width apart on the center of platform while looking straight ahead. The screen was either left uncovered or covered which was dependent on the assigned treatment group. The platform was then unlocked, requiring balance at the given stability level. Nine 20-second dynamic balance trials were performed. The same examiner (S.F.P.) administered the balance task in a non-distracting environment. If a participant lost control of balance that required grabbing the handrail, the trial was repeated. Three participants repeated one trial each. Two participants lost balance control more than once and were not included in the data analysis.

Platform stability levels 2 and 7 were chosen based on testing recommendations found in the literature and from pilot data (12). In addition, enough disparity between groups in terms of balance difficulty was necessary in order to ensure that statistical differences between feedback groups, if it in fact existed, could be found. A previous study reported that approximately nine 20-second trials could be safely performed in one practice session before participants reported fatigue (12). No participant was told their stability index scores or given any other information concerning their performance other than that given in the visual feedback conditions.

#### Statistical Analysis

A 2 x 2 factorial design was used to examine the effects of feedback and balance condition on dynamic balance performance using the Biodex Balance System. The first independent variable was type of feedback with two levels (augmented visual and no augmented visual). The second independent variable was balance condition with two levels (stability level 2 or stability level 7). The dependent variable was the mean stability index calculated as an average of the nine 20-seconds trials. The stability index is determined from the amount of platform tilt in degrees from a zero-centered balance-point (level). The index was calculated as the standard deviation of the platform displacement from horizontal obtained from each 20-second trial (4). A low stability index score indicates good dynamic stability or balance, whereas a high stability index scores indicates poor balance control.

A two-way univariate analysis of variance was conducted to examine the effects of the type of feedback and balance condition for the stability index score data. The α level was set a priori at .05. We used SPSS (version 18; SPSS Inc, Chicago, IL) to analyze the data.

### Results

Means and standard deviations for stability index scores are presented in Table 1. A significant main effect was found for balance condition (F1,36 = 105.134, P = .001), which means participants assigned to the easier balance condition had better balance scores than those assigned to the more difficult balance task. No significant differences were found for the type of feedback groups (F1,36 = 2.145, P = .152). More importantly, a significant feedback by balance condition statistical interaction was found (F1,36 = 4.107, P = .04). At stability level 7, augmented visual feedback stability index scores were better when compared to no augmented visual feedback stability index scores (P < .001). However, for stability level 2, no difference was found between the feedback and no feedback conditions (P = .778).

### Discussion

We propounded the question of whether or not concurrent augmented visual feedback influences balance on the Biodex Balance System at different stability levels. The results supported our postulation that concurrent augmented visual feedback did not influence balance at the more unstable level (Biodex stability level 2). The importance of vision on postural control has long been known (2), however, the effect of concurrent augmented visual feedback on postural control while balancing on an unstable surface is equivocal. Most of the reported clinical studies that examined the effects of augmented visual feedback on postural control have involved stroke patients (7,11). Barclay-Goddard et al (2009) conducted a meta-analysis of the efficacy of concurrent augmented feedback using force platform standing balance in stroke patients. Their results showed no clear evidence that the use of force platform visual feedback improved standing balance. O’Connor et al (2008) compared the effects of different visual cues on postural sway in healthy older and younger adults. The older adults were able to habituate to repeated visual perturbations, however, it took more exposures compared to the younger adults. This finding suggests that aging impacts the ability to quickly modify augmented visual feedback for postural control. Hlavackova et al (2009) studied the effects of concurrent mirror feedback on upright stance control in elderly transfemoral amputees. Their results showed mirror feedback improved upright stance control.

Normal postural sway and equilibrium produced while standing on a flat stable surface may be controlled by lower level closed-looped feedback corrections. Standing balance on a stable surface primarily involves activating automatic postural reactions that are based on reflex actions rather than conscious control (12). The Biodex Balance System is unique in that it uses a moveable platform to create different levels of stability. Our rationale was that at the more difficult stability level 2 the influence of augmented visual feedback would be reduced as a result of change in motor control strategies. As platform stability decreased, open-looped strategies may have been used in an effort to maintain the platform in a horizontal position. Gutierrez et al (2009) in their clinical review state that during dynamic balance, open-looped mechanisms operate faster than closed looped mechanisms when perturbations to balance are imposed. This contention is supported by the study of Horak and Nasher (1986) who investigated the extent to which standing automatic postural reactions are controlled by motor programs. They adduce the theory that postural actions are organized by a limited repertoire of central programs selected in advance of movement. Organization of movements into motor programs simplifies the process of modifying movement by reducing reliance on concurrent sensory feedback. Our data suggest that the motor control strategies used when balancing on the Biodex Balance System may not be universal at all levels of difficulty.

### Conclusion

The learning/relearning of balance is a primary goal in many types of sport and wellness rehabilitation. Because of the importance of balance, there is a constant need for the identification of efficient and successful methods of balance testing and training as well as the delineation of variables that influence balance. We conclude that when balancing on the Biodex Stabilometer, the way feedback is administered is important because it significantly affects balance performance. Our study implies that, when balancing on a Biodex Balance System, as the degree of difficulty increases the influence of concurrent augmented visual-feedback is mitigated.

### Application in Sport

During the early stages of balance training, where the stabilometer tasks are performed at the more stable (less difficult) levels, augmented visual feedback may improve the performance of the balance task. However, as task difficulty increases the ability to use augmented visual feedback to guide postural reactions may decrease. These results infer that during Biodex stability training both open and closed looped motor control strategies are being used depending on the stability level being practiced. Under these conditions, previous research (12) has shown that variable practice, where several difficulty levels are practiced in a random order during any given training session, is a more efficient means of balance training when compared to constant practice where only one stability level is practiced during a training session. Variable practice has been shown to be more efficient in the development of open loop motor programs where rapid movements are required (6). Therefore, when doing Biodex balance training for sport a protocol that involves practicing several different levels of difficulty during one training session would be recommended. Future studies need to examine additional variables such as disability, injury and age in order to determine the most appropriate rehabilitation protocols.

### Tables

#### Table 1
Mean (± SD) Stability Index Scores Averaged Across Nine 20-Second Trials

Type of Feedback Level 7 Level 2
Augmented Visual 1.62 ± .41 11.58 ± 4.54
No Augmented Visual 4.45 ± .83a 11.12 ± 2.20

a. Difference between type of feedback at level 7 (P < .001).

### References

1. Arnold, B.L., Gansneder, B.M., & Perrin, D.H.(2005). Research Methods in Athletic Training. Philadelphia, PA: F.A. Davis.
2. Asakawa, K., Ishikawa H., Kawamorita T., Fuiyama Y., Shoji N., & Uozato H. (2007). Effects of ocular dominance and visual input on body sway. Jpn J Ophathalmol.,51:375-378.
3. Barclay-Goddard, R.E., Stevenson, T.J., Poluha, W., & Taback,S.P. (2009). Force platform feedback for standing balance training after stroke : The Cochrane Collaboration. New York, NY:Wiley.
4. Biodex Medical Systems. Balance System Operations and Service Manual. Shirley, NY: Biodex Medical Systems; 2003.
5. Davids K., Button C., & Bennett S. (2008). Dynamics of Skill Acquisition: A Constraints Approach. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics.
6. Gutierrez, G.M., Kaminski, T.W., & Douex, A.T. (2009). Neuromuscular control and ankle instability: A clinical review. Phys Med Rehabil.,1(4):359-365.
7. Hartveld, A., & Hegarty, J.R. (1996). Augmented feedback and physiotherapy practice: Review report. Physiotherapy., 82(8):480-490.
8. Hinman, M. (2009). Factors affecting reliability of the biodex balance system: A summary of four studies. J Sport Rehabil., 9:240-252.
9. Hlavackova, P., Fristios, J., Cuisinier, R., Pinsault, N., Janura, M., & Vuillerme, N. (2009). Effect of mirror feedback on upright stance control in elderly transfemoral amputees. Arch Phys Med Rehabil., 90(11):1960-1963.
10. Horak, F.B., & Nashner, L.M. (1986). Central programming of postural movements: Adaptation to altered support-surface configurations. J Neurophysiol., 55(6):1369-1381.
11. Horak, F.B., Diener, H.C., & Nashner, L.M. (1989). Influence of central set on human postural responses. J Neurophysiol. ,62(4):841-853.
12. Kovaleski, J.E, Heitman, R.J, & Gurchiek L.R. (2009). Improved transfer effects on biodex balance system. Athletic Training & Health Care .,1(2):74-78.
13. O’Connor, K.W., Loughlin, P.J., Redfern, M.S., & Sparto,P.J. (2008). Posturaladaptations to repeated optic flow stimulation in older adults. Gait Posture., 28(3):385-391.
14. Schmitz R, Arnold B. (1998). (Intertester and intratester reliability of a dynamic balance protocol using the Biodex Stability System. J Sport Rehabil.,7:95-101.

### Corresponding Author

Dr. Steven Pugh, PhD.
HPELS Dept
University of South Alabama
HPE Building, RM 1016
171 Jaguar Drive
Mobile, Alabama 36688

<sfpugh@usouthal.edu>
(251) 461-8231

2013-11-22T22:58:23-06:00January 3rd, 2012|Contemporary Sports Issues, Sports Exercise Science, Sports Studies and Sports Psychology|Comments Off on Effects of Augmented Visual Feedback and Stability Level on Standing Balance Performance using the Biodex Balance System
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